» uvira | The Advocacy Project (2025)

Election Day Plus Two: Ripples of Trouble

After yesterday’s somewhat guardedly optimistic blog about Congolese Election Day, it is becoming clearer that many Congolese people are unhappy about the voting process and the possible outcome, and many more are fearful of violent reactions from political groups.

According to the NY Times, the head of CENI is threatening to disqualify thousands of opposition votes, due to attacks on polling stations in areas mostly loyal to Etienne Tshisekedi and other opposition candidates. This, along with all the stories of voting fraud and violence filtering in from around the country, is sure to leave many Congolese feeling disenchanted with the entire process. In addition, many international observers have described the voting process as chaotic and “problematic”. A few independent organizations have publicly denounced voting irregularities.

In even more interesting news, the BBC is reporting that 4 opposition candidates, including Vital Kamerhe, are declaring the entire election fraudulent and demanding an annulment of the results. These candidates are specifically accusing the CENI and Joseph Kabila of being responsible for voting irregularities (see the link for a list of the alleged irregularities). Again, potentially troubling, as further delays and further mistrust in the process may signal an increase in violent confrontations between opposition supporters and state security elements.

Kabila’s constitutional mandate will end on December 6th. If there is no clear winner by then, or if the loser(s) reject the declared winner of the election, it may be the start of a new era of violence and unrest in the Congo.

At this critical juncture, Congo still has the potential to spiral out of control. Will Congo descend into the post-election madness experienced by Cote d’Ivoire earlier this year? Right now, it seems entirely possible.

Yesterday, I spoke with a Bujumbura-residing Uvirois who had went back to Uvira to vote over the weekend; he grimly showed me the ink-stain on his thumb with which he certified his ballot. He told me that Uvira was calm and violence-free on Election Day. However, he expressed strong dissatisfaction with the entire election process, based on the numerous accounts of fraud and violence from other regions. He also bemoaned the lack of international election observers in Uvira. While not a representative sample, the angry words and angry actions being expressed by many Congolese across the country are testament to a common spirit of discontent with the voting process for those who are hoping to unseat Kabila.

Election Day Plus One

Well, it is Election Day Plus One in the Congo.

Acting on the advice of the UNDSS and several others, I have left the Congo and will be finishing up things in Bujumbura, Burundi, before leaving Africa. I really wish I could have stayed in the DR Congo as an election observer, but for a simple humanitarian, it was the best decision to sit things out. Maybe I will be back for the next presidential election.

Across the country, polling has been marred by violence and accusations of fraud, but fortunately I am hearing nothing out of Uvira so far. No news is good news. However, there are reports that large parts of Fizi Territory did not receive election materials as of yesterday, which makes sense, considering how large parts of Fizi are still zones of combat.

In Lubumbashi, there are reports of up to a dozen or so people killed when armed men opened fire on several polling stations.

In Kinshasa, the Election Day mood was “tense”, as the governor decided to cancel all demonstrations on the last day of campaigning. This infuriated many UDPS supporters; there were several violent clashes between the police and Tshisekedi supporters. The EU condemned the cancellation as a violation of free speech and free assembly.

The allegations of voting fraud have mostly been about the following: ballots where Joseph Kabila’s name has already been checked, ballot boxes being already half-full even before the polls opened, poll stations opening late or not opening at all, observers not being allowed to monitor polling stations and inspect ballot boxes, voters not finding their names on the registration lists, soldiers blocking access to polling stations or forcing people to vote their way, and tampering with ballot boxes after they had been collected. In some cases, accusations of fraud have lead to polling stations being attacked by angry mobs in North Kivu and the Kasai Provinces. The irregularities are occurring in many places across the whole of the country, according to one observer.

According to the BBC (see below), voting has been extended in some areas, due to polling stations opening late and ballots not arriving. In one part of Kinshasa, the legislative ballots were a staggering 13 pages long; the amount of resources needed to put on this election at rather short notice has been overwhelming. In particular, there are concerns about how accessible rural polling stations have been in a country with so few roads.

Checking the latest headlines, both the CENI (Congolese electoral commission) and UN envoy Roger Meece are so far satisfied with the way elections are going. Whether this is the opinion of the man (or woman) on the street, however, is another matter. Nonetheless, I think everyone knew going into Election Day that things would be rough, and fortunately so far it has not been as bad as it could have been, considering historical precedence. However, we all know that Congo (or any country, for that matter) deserves better.

To keep up-to-date on what exactly is going on in these perilous days for the Congo, I would advise you to visit the following websites:

Radio Okapi

Probably the best news source on anything in the Congo. Check out the nifty, interactive election map, which gives population data, number of candidates, etc., on each province.

Congo Siasa

Jason Stearns is in Bukavu right now as an election observer, and he has lots of interesting updates from around the country.

BBC News: DR Congo voting extended in some areas

The latest BBC news on what’s going on with elections. Make sure to check out the cool series of maps at the bottom.

Charlie Walker

Ms. Walker has just written blog entry on a series of tragic incidents that happened in Uvira just before we left, and what some of the women of Uvira have done to respond.

Sud Kivu Election Diary IV: Joseph Kabila comes to town

Yesterday, Joseph Kabila Kabange arrived in Uvira on a presidential campaign stop. I was able to see the Chef de l’Etat Congolais twice: yesterday when he arrived in Uvira and today when he gave a speech to a large crowd next to the Cathedral.

Yesterday morning, I knew something was up when I saw large groups of soldiers wearing red berets and sporting a lot more equipment than the normal, ragged FARDC soldier that we are used to seeing in this part of Sud Kivu. It turned out that these were members of the Presidential Guard.

I later went to the Rond-Point, the entrance to Uvira proper, and encountered a large crowd sporting blue and yellow, the colors of Kabila’s campaign. I conducted interviews for the better part of the afternoon next to the Rond-Point, watching as the crowd grew larger and larger. Police and soldiers ran up and down the road, trying to keep the path clear. People were holding signs, waving flags, and hoisting photos of Kabila above their heads. A brass-and-drum ensemble was loudly farting out bouncy tunes, keeping the crowd’s spirits high. At one point, when I was trying to cross the road, I was stopped and questioned by a surly member of the Presidential Guard.

“I’ve seen you wandering around here, Mzungu. What are you doing here?” he demanded.

“I am here to see the Chef de l’Etat,” I said, with an obsequious smile.

“No, what do you DO here in Uvira?” he reiterated, the scowl on his face growing deeper.

“I am a humanitarian,” I said, trying to keep the mood as light as possible, but probably only succeeding in looking like a mzungu airhead.

The surly soldier let me go, but warned me not to take any pictures. I was a bit impressed with his equipment; he was the first Congolese soldier I had seen with an assault rifle, several banana clips in his webbing, and, to top it off, a sidearm. In addition, he looked like someone who drank lots of beer while pumping lots of iron.

As the first vehicles of the presidential convoy started arriving, I took up a post on a hill, so I was afforded a broad view of the road. Standing next to the road were several provincial deputies, the Territorial Administrator (in a blindingly white suit with a gaudy Congolese flag sash), and the mwami of Uvira (wearing a golden crown). All of a sudden, a group of police trucks came screeching past with red-and-blue lights blazing, and before I knew it, President Kabila and his wife, Mme Olive Lembe Kabila, were walking right in front of me. The president stopped briefly to shake hands with each notable person standing by the side of the road, pausing every few minutes to do a double-handed wave to the crowd. Mme Kabila was putting more of an effort to excite the crowd, jumping up and down and flashing a broad smile as she waved. The intimidating Presidential Guard, their assault rifles at the ready, closely followed the president and scanned the crowd. President Kabila was a little shorter than I thought he would be, and also a little skinnier than the brawny figure one sees in most presidential portraits.

As soon as it happened, it was over. The president walked past my view, and presumably got back into one of his SUVs after passing the crowd at the Rond-Point. The crowd at this event was obviously very excited, but it was also clear that most of them were ardent Kabila supporters that were brought to the Rond-Point to give the president a warm welcome.

The next day, my roommates and I received news that President Kabila was going to be giving a campaign speech. Earlier that morning, the presidential helicopter (the Congolese equivalent of Marine 1) was observed flying in tight evasive combat circles very close to our house. We had heard that Kabila’s was speaking at the Cathedral, so we decided to go up and see what the Chef de l’Etat had to say.

We arrived at a large, open space between the Cathedral and the accompanying Catholic school, where normally a group of schoolchildren would be playing soccer on an ordinary afternoon. There was about a crowd of 2,000 present, and on the small incline next to the Cathedral an impromptu stage had been set up. There were definitely a lot of Kabila campaign banners/flags present in the crowd, but they were somewhat diluted by the vast numbers of people present. Unlike the crowd at the Rond-Point the day before, most people were not wearing Kabila campaign paraphernalia.

As we arrived, the microphone was handed to Joseph Kabila, and he began speaking to the crowd in clipped, but warm, Kiswahili. He spoke of how he carried Uvira and the rest of Sud Kivu in the 2006 election, and he asked the crowd to vote him in again. Most of his speech centered on the Cinq Chantiers, and the efforts he had made to realize them. Of course, for most Uvirois, the Cinq Chantiers are a complete joke, a promise that has never been fulfilled, and most Uvirois who plan to vote with the opposition cite the Cinq Chantiers as the reason why they won’t vote for Kabila again. However, Kabila made some serious overtures, promising to pave the road from Bukavu to Uvira and all the way down to Baraka. He promised to build more schools; indeed, about a month ago, Mme Kabila had visited Uvira to inaugurate a new primary school in Kasenga. Kabila pointed out the Congolese state’s investment in the old Belgian sugar factory in Kiliba, which is about to start operating again after many years of disuse and disrepair. At the end of each long paragraph of oratory, Kabila would pause and large speakers would blare out his earworm-of-a-campaign song: VOTEZ VOTEZ VOTEZ, KAAAABIIIIILAAAAAA.

After about 10 minutes, Kabila apologized for his short visit to Uvira and bid farewell to the crowd.

Two things to note about the event:

1) The reception of the much-larger crowd at the Cathedral was lukewarm, at best. Sure, there were plenty of Kabila supporters near the front, but the level of cheering and applause could hardly beat out what I normally hear from local soccer matches. The crowd of mostly young men with which I was standing was making cynical and sarcastic comments during the speech, especially when Kabila spoke of all the improvements he claimed he would continue bringing to Uvira. When Kabila was saying his goodbyes, a young man near me exclaimed “anamaliza?! (He’s finished already?!)”. However, I was struck by the overall calm nature of the crowd; even those who were openly unhappy with Kabila were not “acting out”, interesting news when election-related violence is rising in Kinshasa and Katanga Province.

2) Kabila’s tone seemed almost pleading. Kabila’s reputation has suffered quite a bit in Sud Kivu, and it appeared that he was doing his best to win over the crowd for their vote. Despite the fact that security is still bad and the Cinq Chantiers are a distant fantasy, Kabila sought to assure the crowd that he would continue trying to accomplish his goals. Overall, he came off as someone who was desperately trying to ingratiate himself with a population where his support is slipping. This is quite a contrast to, say, his father, who was prone to take ironfisted positions when faced with declining support. Again, while Kabila is obviously engaging in some dirty tactics in order to stymie his opposition, he also seems to be campaigning like a man who just might lose.

For further information, check out the amazing Charlie Walker‘s thrilling account of Kabila’s visit.

Sud Kivu Election Diary III: Young Democracy

In 2006, the Democratic Republic of Congo held its first multiparty elections in 46 years. At the time, the Congo was emerging from many years of war, involving all of its neighbors and other African nations. There was a fragile peace, or, in the case of the Kivus, none at all.

The 2006 election was largely financed by international donors, who accounted for 90% of the financial burden. In addition, MONUC, UNDP, and other international agencies provided much-needed oversight and guidance. After all, this was a country that had just been recently reunited through a weak peace agreement, and many of the major players still had armed groups at their disposal.

Now, the situation is quite different, as Joseph Kabila and the rest of the government represent a much stronger, democratically-elected Democratic Republic of Congo. Things may still be bad, but they are still better from the cauldron of chaos of the late 90s/early 2000s. However, there are still signs of trouble.

One particularly eyebrow-raising development of 2011 election process has been the recent changes to the Congolese constitution, which, among other things, has altered the presidential election system from a 2-round, majority-wins election to a 1-round, plurality-wins election.

When the Congolese National Assembly and Senate passed these controversial amendments, there were immediately allegations of bribery against President Kabila. A 1-round plurality-wins election would make things easier for Kabila to divide the opposition and win with a much smaller percentage of the national vote. In addition, it appeared suspicious that these amendments were passed so quickly through the Congolese legislature, given its reputation as a body that usually works grindingly slow. While there is nothing inherently wrong with a single-round election (or with the changes to the constitution, if indeed there was no bribery), the problem is that it appears to have occurred only to the benefit of Kabila. The sole argument, it seems, for the public benefit of these electoral changes is that it will save money for the Congolese state, which is now carrying 60% of the cost of the election.

A report by the International Crisis Group (ICG) released back in May gives a rather pessimistic image of the 2011 elections: opposition supporters and journalists are being harassed and beaten during demonstrations, there is a considerable lack of much-needed international involvement, the CENI (the national electoral commission) is politically biased, there is not enough election security, and the proposed November 28th election date is too soon to organize a free-and-fair election. However, if the date of the election is pushed back, there is sure to be controversy, as Kabila’s term expires on December 7th by constitutional mandate. There are already rumors that members of the opposition (notably Etienne Tshisekedi) are planning on demanding a power-sharing agreement if there is no clear winner by the date on which Kabila’s term ends.

So, what is going on here in Uvira? All over town, posters are plastered onto walls and kiosks, and men on foot or bicycles are advertising for various candidates via megaphone. Things are calm so far.

Sud Kivu Election Diary II: In the other corner…

So, who will be running against Joseph Kabila in the presidential election? There are so far 11 registered candidates, several of whom represent strong competition for Kabila in the election. I have chosen to highlight three particular Congolese political figures, of which 2 are registered as presidential candidates. There are many, many more notable Congolese opposition leaders, but I am limiting myself just to demonstrate the fragmented nature of the opposition, as well as for the sake of brevity.

Etienne Tshisekedi, nicknamed the “Sphinx of Limete”, is an old and experienced player in the Congolese political arena, having cut his teeth as one of Mobutu’s foes. Tshisekedi’s party is the UDPS. Among the opposition, Tshisekedi is noteworthy for his adamant position that he is the only opposition candidate who can face Kabila. While other opposition candidates have called for inter-party negotiations in order to rally support around a single candidate, Tshisekedi has made it clear that he will compromise with no one. He has persistently called on other opposition leaders to fall behind him and support his candidacy, going so far as to visit Jean-Pierre Bemba in prison in the Hague to try and gain his (and hopefully the MLC’s) approval. So far, Tshisekedi has garnered a large coalition of politicians to support him, although this has been tempered by the fact that no one in his coalition is relevant or influential. Here in Sud Kivu, many view Tshisekedi as “too old” (he is 79) and not representing the interests of the East (he is from Kasai Province, and his base is largely in the West).

So far, there has been quite a bit of friction between UDPS supporters and the PPRD/Congolese state, punctuated by violent confrontations in Kinshasa on September 5-6 between UDPS supporters and PPRD supporters/state security forces.

Vital Kamerhe is an MP from Bukavu, and a former Speaker in the National Assembly. His party is the UNC. In 2009, Kamerhe was forced from his Speaker position due to his criticism of Kabila’s decision to conduct joint military operations with the Rwandan army in the Kivus. He remains critical of Kabila’s government, although some see Kamerhe as merely an overambitious politician who challenges Kabila purely for his own political gain. Kamerhe, as a native of Sud Kivu, retains a certain level of popularity here, though he still lacks enough political influence outside of the East. Kamerhe has built some crucial alliances with other Congolese political parties, notably with fellow presidential candidate and President of the Senate Leon Kengo wa Dongo, although there are still major leadership issues within these alliances.

In 2006, Joseph Kabila faced Jean-Pierre Bemba in the 2nd round of the presidential election. Bemba is the leader of the MLC, a rebel movement during the 2nd Congo War that morphed into a national political party once peace was declared in 2003. Bemba is almost universally despised here in the East due to his alliances with the Ugandan military and the horrendous human rights abuses committed by MLC troops in the East, including allegations of cannibalism. Today, Bemba is in prison in the Hague pending trial for war crimes at the ICC. Nonetheless, he is still considered the exiled “leader” of the MLC. The MLC has not fielded a presidential candidate for the 2011 election, despite the fact that Bemba made statements that he would run for president from his jail cell in the Netherlands. Bemba’s continuing (though declining) relevance and his persistence are good examples of the strange and surreal nature of Congolese politics.

Overall, the picture that one finds of the opposition is of a squabbling and unorganized group, divided by ethnicity, region, and individual ambition. As the presidential election will be a 1-round, plurality-wins affair this time, it is crucial that the opposition can unite around a common leader if they realistically want a chance to beat Kabila. A major point of compromise will be the promise of positions in the new government depending on support of a common candidate, as well as input in the policy-making process. However, so far there are few signs of unity, despite the fact that the election date is getting closer and closer. There are also concerns that Kabila is using “dummy candidates” to take away votes from opposition candidates, although it is also common for opposition leaders to accuse each other of being “dummy candidates” that have been “bought off” by Kabila.

Some in the opposition, like Tshisekedi, have unequivocally stated that whoever the opposition is, Kabila will lose. On the other hand, Kabila has stated that he is supremely confident of victory in November. So, no one is really willing to give up, and, although the cards are stacked in Kabila’s favor, anything is possible come November 28th.

How are sentiments on the ground here in Uvira? A few weeks ago, I had a conversation with a group of young Uvirois at a popcorn stand, and the conversation drifted into politics.

“We have had enough with Kabila, there are no jobs and no security,” said the young Congolese. I asked them whom they were voting for.

“Vital Kamerhe,” they responded unanimously. I asked them why they thought things would be different if Kamerhe was elected.

“We don’t know if things will be better, but Kabila had his chance, it’s time to give someone else a chance, and Tshisekedi is too old.”

Not exactly a ringing endorsement.

Again, this is only the 3rd multiparty presidential election in the Congo’s history. How is this time different from 2006? There are a few notable changes to the political situation, as well as some changes to the election system itself. In my next blog entry, we will take a look at some crucial aspects of the 2011 election process, including changes to the constitution and the decrease of international involvement.

Sud Kivu Election Diary: Part I

In less than a month, national elections are scheduled for the Congo. Yesterday, official campaigning began all across the DRC. Here in Sud Kivu, we are all holding our breath a little bit. This will only be the third national multiparty election in the history of the Congo.

So far, many observers see this election as a referendum on incumbent President Joseph Kabila, who took over as interim president when his father was assassinated in 2001 and won Congo’s first real national election in 2006. Kabila’s political party is the PPRD.

In 2006, Kabila easily carried Sud Kivu Province, as he was considered a “native son” (as opposed to “people-eating” Jean-Pierre Bemba) who reunited the country and ended the Rwandan occupation. However, since then, Kabila’s reputation in Sud Kivu has suffered for a number of reasons:

1) Many “autochtone” Congolese (Babembe, Bafulero, Bashi) are angry that Kabila “shook hands with the devil” when he improved relations with Paul Kagame in Rwanda. During Operations Kimya II and Amani Leo in 2010-2011, the boots of Rwandan soldiers were once again on Congolese soil to assist the largely unmotivated and ineffective FARDC in pursuing the FDLR. The population of Sud Kivu, who will not easily forget how badly they suffered under brutal Rwandan occupation, are not ready to forgive Kabila for this compromise. Even after official Rwandan presence has all but disappeared from Sud Kivu, many “autochtone” still feel that the Rwandophone ethnic minorities hold too much power in the regional governments and in the armed forces. It doesn’t help that many high-ranking PPRD members in Sud Kivu used to belong to the rather unpopular RCD regime of the late 90s/early 2000s.

2) The lack of development in Sud Kivu (as well as in the rest of the Congo) is still astoundingly awful for a country so rich in mineral resources. Early in his regime, Kabila promised great developments in the “Cinq Chantiers”, a series of improvements to five aspects of the Congo (schools, roads, etc). However, in Sud Kivu, unemployment rates are still high, the roads are awful, and the education system is in a dismal state. Having promised great things, many Congolese people now see Kabila responsible for the failure of development in the Congo.

3) Security remains very bad in Sud Kivu. The FDLR has been pushed back further into the jungle in the past few years, but the local populations have suffered under the hands of FARDC troops. Furthermore, there has been no real resolution to the war and insecurity, despite the fact that many armed groups have been induced to join the FARDC through promises of cash and impunity. Many people in Sud Kivu dissatisfied by Kabila believe that he should try harder at making a deal with the FDLR, instead of continuing what they believe is a “Rwandan” war. Thus, many hold Kabila responsible for the lawless, violent, and undisciplined behavior of state-endorsed troops, as well as the lack of resolution to the “fires in the East”.

The discontent with Kabila’s regime explains why groups such as Mai Mai Yakutumba maintain a certain level of popularity in Sud Kivu, particularly among the Babembe elite in Fizi Territory, who resent Rwandophone ethnic minorities and feel disenchanted by their perceived lack of political power at the national/regional level.

Kabila’s growing unpopularity in the East has also fueled a number of myths about his intentions and his origins. It is easy to find Congolese people in Sud Kivu who will tell you that Kabila is (my goodness) a “Tutsi spy”, a puppet installed and kept in power by the Rwandan government. There are many circulating stories about Kabila’s mother being a “Rwandan Tutsi”, which, despite their apocryphal nature, may actually be possible, given what we know about the women who orbited around Laurent-Desire Kabila. Of course, does it really matter where Petit Joseph’s mother came from? No. This kind of xenophobic name-calling, unfortunately, is rather counterproductive and does nothing to improve the image of Sud Kivutians as racist Génocidaires 2.0.

I have explained why Kabila is a rather unpopular choice here in Sud Kivu. However, there is still the possibility that he will carry Sud Kivu in the election, given the dismal state of the political opposition. In my next blog entry, I will write about those who will be running for president against Major General Joseph Kabila Kabange.

Weekend Update, Sud Kivu Edition

More news from Uvira/Fizi:

On 10/24, Mai Mai rebels attacked a FARDC position in the village of Kabumbe, next to the village of Mukwesi. In the attack, 4 civilians were killed and 3 injured, and the FARDC suffered 2 dead and 2 injured. Kabumbe/Mukwesi is about 2 hours south of Uvira, close to the town of Mboko. The attackers allegedly belonged to Mai Mai Pascal, an armed group loyal to Pascal Bwasakala, a former protégé of Yakutumba. The day after the Mai Mai attack, FARDC troops arrived to reinforce the position. However, the attack prompted massive IDP movements away from Kabumbe/Mukwesi, leaving the villages virtually empty of inhabitants. OCHA is cautioning all humanitarian workers passing through the Swima-Mboko area to only travel in vehicle convoys. Furthermore, OCHA warns that if the situation persists or deteriorates, agencies will be forced to travel with a PAKBATT escort.

There are continuing inter-ethnic tensions in Tulambo and Maranda, two villages in the Massif d’Itombwe, a large forest in the Haut Plateau of Fizi. Just since 10/21, clashes between the Bembe and Banyamulenge communities have left 4 wounded and 3 dead. This next week, MONUSCO and several local NGOs are poised to launch a Joint Assessment Mission to the area.

On 10/21, the population of Kahanda, a village in Uvira Territory close to the town of Lemera, fled due to the arrival of Mai Mai Bede, a small band of armed men loyal to ex-FARDC commander Col. Bede Safari. Col. Bede defected from the FARDC in 2010, and his troops only number in the dozens. However, his arrival still precipitated a panicked IDP movement of around 64 households. FARDC troops stationed nearby went to Kahanda to hunt down the Mai Mai Bede, but the rebels were warned in advance and fled before the FARDC arrived.

In addition, there are further reports of violence and insecurity occurring just this week: 2 nurses killed in Buhonde by unidentified armed men, 3 civilians kidnapped in Kalungwe, and a traditional chief shot in the night in Kitundu. This is all just human-on-human violence; this past week rainy season floods have also destroyed part of the town of Sange, on the Rusizi Plain in Uvira Territory. The damage includes the destruction of 500 houses, 3 schools, 1 bridge, and several fields. The casualty toll from the flooding currently sits 5 dead and 2 severely injured.

Wars and Rumors of Wars

So, what is the situation in Uvira/Fizi these days? There are wars and rumors of wars. With the elections approaching, the activity of armed groups, most notably Mai Mai Yakutumba in the Ubwari Peninsula, has reached its highest level yet in 2011.

Vacillating internal displacement has created a host of humanitarian concerns in/around the Ubwari Peninsula, where the most concentrated fighting has occurred between FARDC forces and the allied Mai Mai Yakutumba/FNL/FDLR rebels. As rumors of combat sweep through the villages and towns of the Ubwari, civilians will flee before fighting turns up in their locality. Alternately, IDPs will return home immediately if fighting has ceased or has not occurred in their area. However, this has created a yo-yo effect, with civilians fleeing and returning home multiple times over the last several months. In some cases, returning IDPs are crossing paths with fleeing IDPs from their home areas. An additional concern is that there is not enough of a humanitarian presence in/around the Ubwari to monitor the situation and respond to humanitarian concerns resulting from the back-and-forth IDP movements.

In one of their most recent monitoring reports, Arche d’Alliance reported that between 8/24 and 9/22, approximately 2,375 persons fled to Baraka alone; these IDPs arrived from the Ubwari, as well as from towns such as Kazimia and Sebele.

Since August, battles between FARDC and allied Mai Mai/FNL/FDLR forces have been reported in the following locations: Nemba, Talama, Yungu, Kikonde, Katenga, Sebele, and Karamba.

Due to the large numbers of IDPs fleeing the Ubwari, MONUSCO deployed Egyptian troops to Sebele to set up a TOB (Temporary Operations Base). However, on October 19^th, MONUSCO recalled the Egyptians, despite the request of the humanitarian community in Fizi Territory to extend the TOB. According to OCHA sources, civilians in Sebele are now afraid of reprisal due to the lack of a MONUSCO troops presence.

On October 9^th, gunshots were heard in the proximity of Baraka, sending the population into a panic. For a while, reports were that Mai Mai Yakutumba were fighting the FARDC in the streets of Baraka, and therefore poised to take the most important town in all of Fizi. However, it was soon revealed that the rumors were false. Nonetheless, commerce through Baraka remains difficult because of Yakutumba’s presence on Lake Tanganyika, and prices of basic goods are reported to be soaring.

OCHA sources in Baraka report that since the increase in combat (and increase in FARDC fighting forces in their area), there has been a rise in human rights abuses committed by troops against civilians. Monitors have cited multiple incidents of arbitrary arrests, extortion, and general harassment. One must remember that there is quite a bit of mutual distrust and suspicion between the FARDC troops, many of which are not from Fizi, and the local population.

An interesting effect of the rising (and continuing) violence and warfare is that Congolese refugee repatriations are all but nonexistent in this area. Since the days of the Congo Wars, people from Uvira/Fizi have fled to neighboring countries, in particular Burundi and Tanzania. Despite the fact that President Joseph Kabila has claimed that the “fire in the East is only embers”, the news of continuing unrest has reached the ears of refugees, and they are not ready to come back to a region where lives and livelihoods are still at risk. Another sad aspect of the entire affair is that the Tanzanian government is starting to use coercive methods to “encourage” Congolese refugees in their country to repatriate.

In general, the recent increase in the activity of certain non-state armed groups is very disheartening. Many of these armed groups, including so-called “local defense leagues”, continue to commit acts of sexual violence and paralyze the economy through extortion and larceny. Their behavior mirrors the well-documented human rights abuses of the FARDC, many of whom were formerly members of rebel groups themselves. There is nothing that “new” about these groups; the non-state armed groups, such as the various “Mai Mai” movements, have existed for over 10 years in eastern Congo. However, possibly the most disturbing aspect about the actions of these non-state armed groups is the excuse that their violent behavior is but a means of political expression, communicating through robbery and rape their dissatisfaction with the Congolese government. No roads? No hospitals? No jobs? Rape women! That will get Kabila’s attention!

The current pre-election conditions in Uvira/Fizi are indicative of a number of Congolese problems: the lack of faith in elections and the political system, the continuing impunity of armed groups, the lack of effective security resources, the staggering injustices resulting from deep-seated gender inequality, and the use of violence as a means of political expression.

As the election date grows closer, we hold our breath. There is not much hope that the outcome of the election will necessarily signal a change for improvements in the Congolese political system, no matter who gets elected, but one wishes that the “Fire in the East” would be extinguished instead of downplayed and ignored.

Attack on NGO vehicle in Fizi Territory

On Tuesday, October 5^th, I awoke to the sounds of wailing coming from outside my house. I stepped outside to investigate, and was greeted by a crowd of people loudly mourning outside of the office of Eben-Ezer Ministry, right across the street from my residence. There had been an ambush the night before, and the director of Eben-Ezer, along with several of his staff, had been killed.

Eben-Ezer Ministry is a local faith-based NGO that works primarily in education in Fizi and Uvira Territories. I have been introduced to several of the members of Eben-Ezer, and would see them across the street and wave to them on a daily basis.

On October 4^th, around 17h, a vehicle belonging to Eben-Ezer Ministry, containing 14 passengers, was ambushed by Mai Mai Yakutumba. The attack occurred in a remote area known as Echibe, about 18 km from Baraka on the road to Fizi Centre. In the attack, the Mai Mai allegedly fired an RPG 7 rocket-propelled grenade at the vehicle. 7 people were killed, 5 of them workers for Eben-Ezer. According to the Territorial Administrator of Fizi, 3 others were wounded by gunfire and 4 women were kidnapped by the assailants. The survivors of the attack have alleged that among the perpetrators were members of the FNL (a Burundian rebel group exiled in the Congo) and the FDLR (a Rwandan Hutu nationalist group).

The Territorial Administrator also asserted that the FARDC was able to chase down and kill two of the perpetrators responsible for the massacre.

On the same evening, just before the Eben-Ezer ambush, a motorcycle taxi carrying a policeman and a FARDC soldier was attacked nearby. All three persons were killed. It is believed that the same armed men who attacked the Eben-Ezer vehicle were also responsible for this incident.

The UN has released a statement condemning the attacks and calling for the Congolese government to do more to protect humanitarians. During the subsequent days after the attacks, I could hear quite a few UN helicopters going back-and-forth between Uvira and Fizi. According to the UN press release, there have been approximately 140 reported security incidents involving humanitarian workers in Nord Kivu and Sud Kivu since the beginning of 2011.

The local FARDC commander, Col. Delphin Kahimbi, condemned the Mai Mai for “missing their targets” in attacking civilians. Col. Kahimbi said that the Mai Mai had the time to verify the object of their “ambush” as being a group of civilians, and therefore have no excuse. While Col. Kahimbi’s words ring true, his statement is somewhat ironic considering the conduct of the FARDC during Kimiya II and Amani Leo and their own disregard for the rules of engagement.

One stark reality is that there is very little security for anyone traveling in Fizi Territory, especially considering that the MONUSCO troop presence is weak and the FARDC troop presence can be quite ineffective. Every day, humanitarians, along with the ordinary citizens of Fizi, must risk their lives in order to carry out their work. This latest incident, though sadly preventable, was probably inevitable, considering the lack of security and the increasing level of combat between armed groups in Fizi Territory. One wonders if the Congolese government and MONUSCO will start to take things a bit more seriously in terms of taking preventative action, instead of arriving at the scene too late to prevent murder, torture, and rape.

Another sinister dimension to the entire sad affair: there are quite a few people that believe that the Eben-Ezer vehicle was targeted by the Mai Mai because it belonged to a “Banyamulenge” NGO. In 2011, Mai Mai Yakutumba leadership has released several statements demanding the removal of “Rwandan” (i.e. Rwandophone) troops from South Kivu; Yakutumba has used widespread resentment against abusive Rwandan/Rwandophone troops to build support for his agenda, to the detriment of relations between Congolese Rwandophone communities, such as the Banyamulenge, and the “autochtone” tribes of Babembe, Bafulero, and Bavira. A prominent Banyamulenge leader, Enock Ruberangabo, has called this attack “ethnic conflict at a local level”. However, one must remember that as long as armed groups operate with impunity in the Kivus, all civilians, regardless of ethnicity, are at risk of being attacked.

Over the past few days, my neighborhood has been filled with a constant stream of mourners coming to Eben-Ezer Ministry to express their condolences. The sounds of pained wailing have disappeared, but there is still a heavy spirit of bereavement hanging over the quartier. The humanitarian community in Uvira/Fizi has suffered a great loss, and we are all reminded of the risks that must be taken in order to assist vulnerable populations, fight for social justice, and struggle for development in the Congo.

Military Justice II: The Stinky Courtroom

On Thursday, September 1st, I arrived at the military tribunal of Uvira, based on an invitation from the head magistrate, Captain Issokelo Didier. In terms of what I focus on (the fight against sexual violence), there was not too much to learn. However, I found some aspects of the experience to be quite interesting:

-While waiting in the courtroom for the judges to arrive, I struck up a conversation with the three prisoners whose cases were to be heard that day. The three men, decked out in faded orange jumpsuits, were accused of being members of an “insurrectionist movement”, the Mai Mai; these accusations were the basis for their appearance in a military court as opposed to a civilian court. They had all been arrested in December 2009, and they said that this day in court was only the second time they had appeared before a judge since being arrested.

-The soldiers assigned to guarding the prisoners were a raggedy, if friendly, group of individuals. I struck up a conversation with a soldier named Jeannot, a miniscule and jocular soldier with several missing front teeth and a battered and dented AK-style assault rifle. I asked Jeannot when he joined the army, and he told me he had first joined as a soldier with the RCD in 1998. I asked him how old he was.

“I was born in 1984,” he said. If what he told me was the truth, this meant he had joined the army when he was fourteen. A year younger than me, and yet Jeannot had already marched as a soldier through 13 years of conflict.

Another soldier, Sergeant Alain, told me that he had joined as a kadogo (child soldier) with Laurent Kabila and the AFDL in 1996; again, he did not look that much older than myself.

I asked the soldiers where they were from. Jeannot told me he was a Mubembe from Fizi Territory. I found many of the soldiers were from Fizi, but there were quite a number from all over the Congo, including Bas-Congo, Nord Kivu, and Katanga. Indeed, this group of soldiers appeared to be the most diverse group of Congolese I had ever seen, from the short Babembe to the towering Katangans. They spoke with each other in an interesting mix of Kiswahili, French, and Lingala. Normally, I do not interact with Congolese soldiers, since under different circumstances they might harass me or worse, but this time it was interesting to see the ordinary FARDC foot soldier “up close”.

-The three military judges were a panel of stern-looking, stern-talking FARDC captains who seemed to speak to the prisoners only in admonishments, alternating between French and Kiswahili. During the court recess, all of them lit up noxious cigarettes, which explained the generally stale, sour odor in the courtroom. When I asked the judges about their qualifications, they simply shrugged their shoulders and said that the military had assigned them to this post.

-All three prisoners had the same lawyer representing them, and after a few opening statements, the lawyer disappeared. After a while, the judges had to call a recess, since the prisoners had no legal representation; since their conviction would carry the death penalty, the judges decided that the trial could proceed no further until the three had a trained jurist present on their behalf. The three prisoners complained that the lawyer was charging them a lot of money ($1500), but doing little work. Since no one of them could afford to hire a lawyer himself, they had pooled their resources to hire one to represent all three of them.

-When I asked Capt. Didier if the death penalty had ever been carried out in Uvira against soldiers convicted of “supporting insurrection”, he shook his head no. He told me that if someone is convicted and sentenced to die, he immediately writes a letter to President Kabila asking for amnesty on behalf of the prisoner.

-According to the new rules set out for FARDC military justice, a FARDC officer can only be tried and convicted by officers of his own rank or greater. Thus, if anyone above Capt. Didier’s rank were being investigated (say, a colonel), a group of higher-ranking judges would have to come down from Bukavu to render a judicial decision in the case.

-Capt. Didier complained quite a bit about the lack of resources allocated to him and his team at the Auditorat. He told me that if an investigator opens a dossier in Shabunda, it may take up to a month for the dossier to arrive in Uvira. I asked if he had pleaded to his superiors for more resources, and he claimed that he had, but to no avail. Capt. Didier also claimed he did not have the resources to hold more military courts or open much-needed parquets in parts of Sud Kivu far away from the tribunal in Uvira. When I look at the dismal state of military justice in Sud Sud Kivu, I wonder about all the resources that numerous organizations (United Nations, European Union, etc) have dedicated to stabilization and security sector reform, and whether any of it is reaching our far-flung corner of the Congo.

Overall, the overwhelming feeling I got from attending this trial was frustration with the Congolese judicial process, both civilian and military. However, it was an eye-opening experience, and I learned quite a bit.

One wonders if the landmark trial and conviction of Col. Kibibi Mutware earlier this year was a start of a new trend or simply an irregular blip in a region fraught with impunity for members of armed groups. Not much of what I saw and heard in my experience with the Uvira Auditorat supported the former. I am willing to give Congolese military justice the benefit of the doubt, but I also believe it is about time both the Congolese government and their international partners take a closer look at what is going on.

If you are interested more in the Congolese justice system, please refer to one of my blogs from 2009, where I visited the Tribunal de la Paix, a court where civil cases are heard. If you want to read about community justice and mediation, here is a blog about a case heard at the Comite de Mediation et Conciliation in Luvungi.

Military Justice

On Tuesday, August 30, I attended the monthly meeting of the Uvira CTLVS (Comite Territoriale de la Lutte contre la Violence Sexuelle). The meeting broke down into the usual litany of complaints about lack of cooperation and initiative, since none of the member organizations in the CTLVS seem to want to work together or share their information with the CTLVS focal points.

At this particular CTLVS meeting, a captain from the FARDC showed up, wearing a crisp green uniform with polished epaulettes and gold braids. This captain was a magistrate, a member of the military justice division (“Auditoirat”) of the FARDC. Most recently, the FARDC military justice wing played a crucial role in convicting Col. Kibibi and his men for the January 1st mass rape in Fizi Centre. Every month, a number of cases are heard at the military court in Uvira, mostly stemming from incidents occurring close to Uvira town. However, in more remote, though well-documented, incidents in Uvira/Fizi (Kikozi, Nyakiele), FARDC military justice has been rather slow in even bringing the accused to trial.

I decided to ask the FARDC magistrate about his job and the history of the Auditoirat. He told me that the military justice wing had existed since 2003, when the modern incarnation of the Congolese military was created; their mandate is to investigate/redress wrongs committed by members of the military, as well as teach discipline and good behavior to the troops. In this part of South Kivu, the central Auditoriat based in Uvira is charged with military justice for the territories of Uvira, Fizi, Mwenga, and Shabunda. All cases are heard before the tribunal in Uvira before a panel of military judges; the magistrate himself serves as a prosecutor/investigator. The parquet performs investigations of infractions, prepares the legal dossiers, and presents the cases before the military tribunal. In June, a permanent military parquet opened in the town of Baraka in Fizi Territory, where several months prior a mobile military court (Audience foraine) had handed down Col. Kibibi’s conviction and sentence. Aside from the parquet in Uvira and the secondary parquet in Baraka, there are only “inspectors” present in Misisi, Kametuga, and Shabunda Centre, making the coverage of military justice fairly poor for a very large area (4 of the biggest territories in South Kivu).

I asked the magistrate if he felt that the FARDC today was a more disciplined body than it was eight years ago; his answer was an emphatic “yes”. I asked if FARDC troops cooperated with him in terms of carrying out justice and promoting good behavior within the ranks. Again, he said yes, but then he qualified his statement by saying “in any family, there is never a lack of disobedient children”.

I brought up the case of Col. Kifaru and his defected men, the alleged perpetrators of the mass rape case in Nyakiele in June, who have since been re-absorbed by the FARDC. At this point, our conversation ground to a halt. When I asked at what stage the Auditoirat was in investigating the strong allegations of rape against Col. Kifaru and his men, the magistrate became vague and elusive.

“We are still investigating,” was all he would say.

When I delicately probed further for details, the magistrate refused to divulge any more information, citing “professional secrets”. Maybe commenting on an ongoing investigation would have been a bit out of line for a magistrate, but all promises of “carrying out justice” disappeared once Nyakiele was brought up. Later, one of my CTLVS contacts told me that since the Congolese government’s stance on Nyakiele is rather clear (“ignore/discredit”), the Auditoirat probably will have no support in bringing the perpetrators to justice.

This kind of foot-dragging has also characterized the response to the Kikozi incident; investigations by the Auditoirat and MONUSCO have identified the commanding officer responsible for the unit implicated in the March mass rape (Major Shaka Nyamusalaba), but despite numerous calls from local NGOs to bring Maj. Shaka to Uvira for trial, no such action has been taken.

At the end of our conversation, the magistrate cordially invited me to attend the military tribunal in Uvira proper later in the week. I am planning on taking up his offer, so stay tuned for more.

Cradle

Uvira seems to be a rather anonymous town deep in Central East Africa. The architecture: crumbling. The nightlife: sparse and risky. The inhabitants: unpretentious and lively. The sole attraction: Lake Tanganyika, although all the good beaches are over in Burundi. However, Uvira has a bit of its own dark history and intrigue, despite not having the glamour or mzungu creature comforts of Bukavu, Goma, or Beni.

In the same way, Fizi Territory has cultivated a sort of infamous reputation in the Congo, despite its rather innocuous appearance. Laurent “Mzee” Kabila operated in Fizi Territory, back when he was a Leftist rebel leader in the 1960s/70s. Che Guevara visited this area, back when he lent himself to the revolutionary cause against Mobutu; Che came away totally disillusioned by the state of the revolutionary struggle in this part of Africa that has so often resisted misguided outside attempts at transformation or analysis, of all ideological types.

Monuments in towns and villages all over Fizi Territory memorialize those slaughtered by the brutal RCD during the Second Congo War. However, I have seen no monuments marking the slaughter of the Banyamulenge that occurred in the frenzied anti-Banyamulenge hysteria in the days just before the Rwandan invasion.

In August 1996, when it was clear that the Rwandan government was arming some of the Rwandophone Banyamulenge in the Kivus in preparation for an invasion, the Kivus were swept with a wave of xenophobia. Local politicians poured out rhetoric against the Banyamulenge “traitors”, encouraging jobless and shiftless young men to “attack the Banyamulenge” and seize their assets. In Uvira, many Banyamulenge were kicked out of their houses, beaten, and thrown in jail by angry mobs. All over Fizi Territory, the “autochtone” population rose up to kill Banyamulenge and take their cows. In Bukavu in October, the provincial governor declared the Banyamulenge persona non grata and ordered their expulsion from South Kivu. The xenophobia was not limited to just the Kivus; all over Zaire, persons with “Tutsi” morphology were harassed, beaten, and even murdered.

The slaughter of the Banyamulenge pulled the trigger for the Rwandan invasion of the Congo. Up until then, the RPA had been watching the Hutu refugee camps just over the border in Zaire become rallying points for the former genocidaires, without any international intervention to stop this travesty. The regrouping Interahamwe and FAR had even begun raids back into Rwanda, and the newly installed RPF government could hardly tolerate a cross-border insurgency made up of the perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide. Several other African governments were eager to see Mobutu go, and they saw this as an opportunity to change the leadership in Kinshasa. In addition, the Rwandan military had been recruiting disaffected Banyamulenge youth and giving them arms and military training, in preparation for an invasion. The xenophobic purging of the “Tutsi” Banyamulenge in the Kivus was the final straw. Using an alliance of Zairian rebel leaders (the AFDL) as a front, the Rwandans invaded Zaire.

Uvira, in fact, was the first town to fall to the AFDL and its allies, on October 24, 1996. A mere seven months later, Kabila pere and his kadogos (child soldiers) were marching on Kinshasa. By mid-1997, Mzee Kabila was the president of the newly-christened Democratic Republic of Congo.

It is interesting to think about Mzee Kabila returning to South Kivu/Northeastern Katanga, after many corpulent years of being a smuggler in Tanzania. Here, in this eastern region, he fought against Mobutu’s agents from remote mountain camps. Here is where his son Joseph was born, in a village called Mpiki in the view of Mlima ya damu (“Mountain of Blood”). Here was where he trudged along with Che Guevara, among the gnarled trees and manioc fields and jagged piles of rocks. The aging, largely irrelevant rebel, with his Maoist tracts and monochromatic wardrobe of safari jackets, had been made ruler of Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest country, perhaps a few decades too late.

In late 1998, when Kabila decided to thumb his nose at his “minders”, the Rwandans quickly put together a new rebel movement based in the east to challenge Kabila’s authority, the RCD. Thus, the Second Congo War had begun; today, mentioning this war to most Uvirois will cause them to wrinkle their brow and sigh. While many Kivutians saw the AFDL invasion as a war of “liberation” from Mobutu’s tri-decade dictatorship, the rule of the RCD is remembered with sorrow and chagrin. The RCD soldiers were mostly Rwandans or Congolese Rwandophones (such as the Banyamulenge), and in South Kivu they did not easily forget the anti-Banyamulenge pogroms committed by the “autochtone” Congolese. Now, the Banyamulenge were in charge, and they were looking to subdue the population by violent means. In Fizi Territory, the RCD committed horrid massacres in villages such as Makobola, slaughtering hundreds of civilians at a time. When I ask Congolese people my age about what life was like in Uvira/Fizi during the RCD-era, the reply I get most often is “Well, we just survived”.

In the days since the end of the Second Congo War, Uvira/Fizi has been one of the sites of the ongoing struggle between state-sanctioned armed forces (the FARDC) and the remaining non-state armed groups (in Uvira/Fizi, the FDLR, FRF, FNL, and various Mai Mai groups). Occasionally, events here make small waves in foreign journals, but sadly mostly related to tragedy and continuing human rights abuses committed by armed groups.

And thus, events that occurred in Uvira and Fizi Territory have been extremely pivotal in Congo’s recent history. The easygoing nature of Uvirois makes it easy to forget how much the region has been through, and in a way it is a bit encouraging that there are very strong efforts at ethnic conflict transformation going on in Uvira/Fizi.

Nonetheless, the Dark Side does persist. Anti-Rwandan sentiment can still be fairly strong here in Uvira/Fizi (just like xenophobic anti-Congolese sentiment can be fairly strong across the border in Rwanda). In this area, many Congolese people hate Joseph Kabila because he “made a deal” with the Rwandans to end the Second Congo War, and political discussions with Uvirois often result in absurd statements about a “double genocide” and about Joseph Kabila being a Rwandan puppet. Down in Fizi Territory especially, the tendency seems to be to blame outsiders for all the problems, whether it be Rwanda, Belgium, the United States, or even just Congolese from other parts of the country. This may explain a lot of the success of Mai Mai Yakutumba; despite their documented violations of human rights, they remain strongly tied to the community of Babembe political elites in Fizi.

For an outsider like myself who is relatively new to the Kivus, the simmering ethnic/political/class tensions may seem silly and superficial, and very often we non-Africans try to make what Jason Stearns calls “simplistic solutions to complex problems”. However, there are years of economic decay, local power struggles, political manipulation, warfare, colonial social restructuring, and oblivious international involvement that have formed the image of what we see in this particular section of South Kivu today.

I have always found it a bit interesting the independent nature and identity of Uvira and Fizi, even within South Kivu. The two territories are also very different from each other, most starkly when it comes to ethnic makeup and topography. In Fizi, the Babembe are dominant. In Uvira, it is much more diverse, with Bafulero, Bashi, and Bavira. In terms of geography, Uvira has the great Rusizi Plain, which borders with Burundi, whereas Fizi has massive forests high in the hills. The Rusizi looks like something straight out of The Lion King, a broad and burnt-red stretch of savannah where cows roam free. For sure, I have always preferred Uvira to, say Bukavu, the sophisticated (if rather pretentious) provincial capital of South Kivu.

Each part of the Congo has had a different story; in northern Congo in Ituri and Equateur, the story includes the MLC and fighting between Rwandan and Ugandan troops over Congolese territory and resources. In Katanga and Kasai, the story is of the large-scale exploitation of minerals such as gold, diamonds, and copper. In Kinshasa, the story includes bizarre tales of nuclear reactors built by priests, spectacular examples of corruption, and the fast-fading majesty of what used to be one of the most exciting cities in Africa. All over the Congo, there are stories, all interlinked at some point, but all possessing an individual spirit. Point being, the Congo is very big, but it is still fascinating at how events starting in somewhere like Uvira can change the course of history for the behemoth of Central Africa.

I know Uvira by its labyrinth-like markets (Mulongwe, Kalmabenge), the hordes of moto-taxis clogging the main road, the signs with the various NGO acronyms (AVSI, AJID, PSVS, SOFIBEF, 8eme CEPAC), the quick geographic orientation of the rising hill on one side and the turquoise lake to the other, the piles of fetid garbage that line the streets, the crowds of boys smacking their lips and croaking “goomawneng” (good morning) to get my attention, the ravines and vine-covered cemeteries, the crates of Primus bottles outside the Depot Bralima, the colorful pagne dresses and oddly-tailored western-style suits, the huffing Mitsubishi flatbed trucks, the groups of money-changers sitting under umbrellas, the trucks full of green-clad soldiers wielding Norinco 56s and RPGs, the women rolling chapatti next to a crackling pan of oil under the shade of a tree, the thumping of manioc leaves being crushed in a pestle, each bridge and river and ronde-point. I know Fizi Territory mostly by just the utter sense of remoteness it inspires whenever I visit. This is my home in the Congo.

Back to Uvira: “The Horror!”, Quilts, and a goat named Janosch…

Jambo na Caribuni!

(Hello and Welcome!)

Hello and welcome to instalment #1 of my blog from Uvira, DRC, which will trace my journey as a Peace Fellow for Advocacy Project. For the next 3 months, I will be working with SOS Femmes en Danger (SOSFED), a small Congolese organisation who since 2003 have been supporting victims of sexual violence in South Kivu by supporting women following incidents of sexual violence, promoting measures to minimise exposure, empowering women through education and training so they can better support themselves and their families, and advocating for an end to sexual violence and its appalling after-effects.

AsI discovered during a research trip there earlier this year, shockingly few organisations provide much-needed support to the thousands of women every year whose lives, often already more difficult than most of us in the west can comprehend as a result of almost two decades of conflict and chronic poverty, are further ripped apart as a result of being raped. SOSFED is one of such rare lifelines.

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mjsVVmQj7eQ

I arrived safely on Friday aftera looong trip from Manchester, (via Amsterdam, Nairobi, and Bujumbura, no less)! Things don’t appear to have changed a great deal in Uvira since I left in May, although the run-up to the elections is becoming more evident, notably in Uvira centre a giant billboard has appeared sporting Kabila’s face next to “before and after Kabila” images of children in Primary Schools – those (apparently)of yesteryear in dirty clothes on rugged benches without books, and those ofthe shiny newDRC under Kabila in sparkling uniforms, books openand beaming behind their new workbenches (watch this space for more on the run-up and preparations for the elections due in November)!In other (and perhaps somewhat less significant) news from Uvira – I now appear to own a goat. We’re calling him Janosch.

I can’t wait tostart work! The rape recovery programme has two centres in Fizi territory (see map below) which offer women a safe place to stay, medical care, individual and group counselling, empowerment sessions and skills training for up to three months following their arrival at the centre, in addition to reintegration support when they return to their communities. They also run educational on health, women’s rights, financial management and literacy, and recently launched a campaign to create a culture of rape prevention, purchasing land which women can cultivate together, minimising their exposure to sexual violence (many women are raped whilst alone cultivating their crops).

Security permitting, we’ll be makingtrips in the near future down to the two centres, in order to deliver materials for vocational and therapeutic sewing projectswhich a previousPeace Fellow began in 2010, and which we are planning to revive this summer, and to meetthe centres employees andwomen currentlypart ofSOS FED’srecovery and rehabilitation programme – stay tuned for photos and updates from our visit soon!!

As I mentioned in my earlier vlog, media reports of sexual violence in the Congoare widespread – newspapers periodically churn out articles complete with shocking taglines and horrifying statistics regarding rape in the Congoin a near-hysterical and largely analysis-free tone echoing “The horror! The horror!” of Joseph Conrad’s protagonist’s journey into the Heart of Darkness so many years ago (see Cara Kulwicki’s astute article on media coverage of rape in the DRC ). In an effort to steer readers away from this rather useless and unhelpful understanding of the situation in eastern DRC, in this blog, I’ll be doing my absolute best to provide a more nuanced and analytical view of the underlying causes and consequences of sexual violence in the region, and highlighting how SOSFED and the women of South Kivu believe it can be brought to an end.

Stay tuned for more news from South Kivuand my journey as a Peace Fellow with SOS FED!

Charlie

Yakutumba

In Fizi Territory, one of the more prolific armed groups is Mai Mai Yakutumba. Fortunately, I have not had any run-ins with Mai Mai Yakutumba soldiers, but their influence throughout Fizi is highly visible. In Baraka, the political wing of the Mai Mai has logos painted on buildings. In fact, the restaurant that I frequent the most when I am in Baraka (“Jardin des Saveurs”) is owned by the son of the political leader of Mai Mai Yakutumba.

In the past two months, Mai Mai Yakutumba has been consolidating control over parts of Fizi Territory. In June, the Mai Mai stopped a boat on Lake Tanganyika at Talama and demanded a toll of $15,000 from the crew and passengers. Now, the Mai Mai Yakutumba are enforcing a $500 a boat tax on boats traveling between Uvira and Kalemie/Kazimia. Since there are zero paved roads south of Uvira to Kalemie, boat traffic on Tanganyika remains an important lifeline to economic activity in Uvira/Fizi Territories and eastern Katanga Province. These new extortions imposed by the Mai Mai are sure to have negative consequences on economic activity.

The effects of spreading Mai Mai Yakutumba/FNL influence are also having negative human rights effects; most of the 12 survivors of sexual violence that arrived at the SOS FED center in Kikonde in June/July reported being raped by FNL/Mai Mai Yakutumba soldiers.

In Jason Stearns’ excellent blog, Congo Siasa, guest blogger Judith Verweijen writes up a fascinating and detailed profile of Mai Mai Yakutumba. The motivations/identities of the various armed groups in the Kivus are complicated and not easy to comprehend at first glance, and profiles like Ms. Verweijen’s go a long way in terms of understanding who is doing what and why in eastern Congo.

Reflections on Uganda and Kikoze Update

Hello all, I am back from my holiday in Uganda. It was lovely, but I’m also glad to be back in Uvira. This place feels more and more like “home” with each passing day.

Uganda’s story in terms of development and human rights is quite different from the DR Congo’s. Kampala is a thriving metropolis, with supermarkets, several shopping malls, Chinese restaurants, and choking automobile congestion. It is hard to believe that it is only a 17-hour drive from Uvira. In addition, the people of Uganda seem more cheerful and friendlier than the Congolese, possibly because they have not been beaten down by nearly 20 years of war following the reign of Mobutu. Overall, one could say that Uganda is an East African “success” story, especially considering that the country was once home to one of Africa’s most ruthless dictators, Idi Amin Dada.

However, there still remain problems in Uganda, such as continuing widespread poverty, a high (though decreasing) HIV/AIDS rate, the persecution of the LGBT community, and continuing unrest in the north with Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army.

In Kampala, President Yoweri Museveni’s cowboy-hatted visage glares from many billboards, reminding me of how Uganda became entangled in the Congo Wars in the 1990s/2000s.

On more official business, I had the opportunity to visit an AP partner in Kampala, the Kinawataka Women’s Initiative, founded and directed by Mrs. Benedicta Nanyonga. Kinawataka assists children, mostly girls and mostly AIDS orphans. The children and Mrs. Benedicta make bags and other products out of recycled drinking straws. The proceeds from selling the bags go to the children’s education and upbringing. I was amazed at the durability and quality of the purses, shopping bags, and safari bags created by this group of industrious youngsters. Visit Kinawataka at www.kwiuganda.org and see their products at www.strawbags.org

Back in the Congo, SOS FED continues to move forward. Construction on the water well in Mboko was completed on June 10.

Quick update on the Kikoze incident of 3/26/11: I talked to someone at OCHA about the status of judicial action against the perpetrators of the attack. Apparently, a military tribunal has yet to be realized, and still is in the planning stage. There are concerns for the safety and security of a military tribunal, due to the fact that the accused are ex-FRF combatants who were only recently integrated into the FARDC. A trial up in Muranvya or bringing the accused to trial in Uvira might result in some sinister consequences. However, I was assured that MONUSCO and the FARDC are still working on the case. Let’s hope that justice is served eventually.

Also in the news: Burundian FNL rebels are making more incursions across the border in the Rusizi Plain, near Kiliba. Cultivation in the area is under threat, as farmers (most of them women) will flee their fields once they hear of roving armed groups nearby.

Kampala Interlude

Greetings from Kampala. I’m taking a two-week holiday in Uganda, but I’m keeping in contact with the SOS FED staff back in Uvira and I might post a few more blogs. In the meanwhile, here’s a mini-update on SOS FED activities and the security situation in Uvira/Fizi Territory:

-On May 9 & 10, SOS FED staff members participated in a very successful training conducted by Arche d’Alliance in Baraka. The training was an introduction to human rights, monitoring/reporting on violations of human rights, how the Congolese penal code addresses sexual violence, and some basics of the Congolese civil code. Our staff will be able to impart the knowledge from their training to the beneficiaries, who can return to their communities as effective human rights advocates. In addition, this training will help improve the data-collection skills of our staff and integrate them into the larger human rights monitoring network in Fizi Territory.

SOS FED staff at human rights training in Baraka. From l-r: Bawili Ningejua, Mariamu Bashishibe, Lubunga Wilonja, Luanja Eca Ricardo, M’Munga Selemani, Sangho Laliya, Chamulungo Nabisha, and Mimmy El Vital

-Beginning in mid-May, two FARDC regiments were re-deployed in Uvira and Fizi Territory. In January/February, a lot of the Amani Leo brigade units had been called in to bases in Lubarika (Uvira) and Kananda (Fizi) for re-organization, re-equipment, and training. The goal of this massive maneuver was to improve the efficiency of the FARDC troops and give them training on respecting human rights and obeying the law. This training process (known as braçage), was performed by the Congolese government with assistance from governments in Europe and the US government. However, when the FARDC troops withdrew from their positions earlier this year, FDLR and Mai Mai elements moved in to control the areas left vacant by the FARDC. Now, the FARDC will be fighting to re-take their positions, so MONUSCO officials have warned me about a possible stark increase in violence throughout portions of Uvira and Fizi Territories. Personally, I am waiting to be convinced that the braçage was effective in improving the behavior of FARDC troops. However, one hopes the re-deployment makes a dent in the FDLR and ultimately reduces the amount of conflict in the region.

-M’Munga Selemani, the SOS FED reintegration officer who was wounded by (now confirmed) FARDC gunfire, is recovering at a hospital in Uvira. Fortunately, his wounds were not life threatening; the bullet grazed him just above his right eye. The women that Mr. Selemani was escorting to Kikonde were unharmed in the incident. Currently, we are working with Arche d’Alliance and MONUSCO Human Rights to see that justice is served.

Stay tuned for more.

Matale, Nemba, Kikonde

Attacks on civilians may be picking up again in this part of South Kivu. There have been 3 major events since the beginning of the month:

-On May 10, around midnight, a group of armed men attacked the village of Matale, in the Moyen Plateau of Uvira Territory. The group of armed men locked all the men into one house and all the women into another house, and then proceeded to loot the town. After looting, the armed men picked out five women and raped them. The identity of these armed men is unknown, although it is strongly suspected that they are FARDC, since there is a contingent of FARDC moving through that area of the Moyen Plateau at the moment. The next day, the female survivors of the attack made their way to the Centre de Santé (Health Center) in Ndagereka. Arche d’Alliance sent a monitor up to Matale to do a preliminary investigation, but he was held up by bandits on his way back. Fortunately, he was not hurt, but Arche is not sending anyone else to Matale until they are sure of the security situation. No word on whether MONUSCO will be opening up an investigation or not.

-On May 12, a group of 13 people leaving the market in Nemba, Fizi Territory, were ambushed by a group of 34 FDLR. The ambushed civilians were relieved of their belongings and money, and then were tortured and mutilated to various degrees. The details of the mutilations and tortures as provided by initial reports are fairly gruesome, and I won’t be reporting them here until I am more sure of the details.

-On April 30, an FDLR unit attacked the village of Kikonde (yes, where SOS FED has a center), Fizi Territory. Seven shops were robbed and one merchant was wounded by gunfire. The FDLR has a jungle base near Ngandja, and their forays into Kikonde were made easier by the fact that there is no longer a FARDC unit stationed there; the Amani Leo unit that was in Kikonde left in February for reorganization and training. Ironically, despite the fact that the Amani Leo brigades are still greatly resented by the civilian population, their presence could have prevented such an attack. The Amani Leo brigades are still in braçage closer to the bigger towns of Fizi, and rumor has it they are not too keen on heading back into the bush to fight the FDLR.

The good news is that the SOS FED center in Kikonde was not affected by the attack; the SOS FED staff and beneficiaries in Kikonde are safe and sound. However, this attack and the robbery of the Arche monitor in Matale are brutal reminders of the dangers facing the civilian population of South Kivu, and in particular the high-risk environment for defenders of human rights.

MONUSCO response to the Kikoze mass rape

On 4-21-11 I had the opportunity to sit down and talk with a MONUSCO official in Uvira. I asked him some questions about MONUSCO response to incidents such as the recent mass rape in Kikoze. The MONUSCO official gave me a detailed plan of how MONUSCO reacts according to their mandate to intervene, support, prevent, and provide follow-up.

When the Kikoze mass rape was first reported, MONUSCO immediately sent troops from the Pakistani Battalion (PAKBATT) to Kikoze via helicopter for a fact-finding mission. Once the PAKBATT unit confirmed the abuse of human rights in the area, a special force of Egyptian troops was sent to Kikoze in order to show a UN presence, to protect the villagers from further harassment. All during this time, MONUSCO prepared a mission to Kikoze, with a joint protection team from Civil Affairs, Human Rights, Political Affairs, UN Police (UNPOL), and PAKBATT. This mission also included several local partners, such as Arche d’Alliance and AMCAV.

In addition to their own investigation, MONUSCO assists in legal proceedings against the perpetrators, providing impetus and support to the Congolese military justice division that will prosecute the soldiers allegedly responsible for the attacks. It should be noted that the commanding officers of the FARDC unit in question deny that their soldiers committed any wrongdoing.

Currently, the MONUSCO mission is investigating the Kikoze incident and meeting with the FARDC battalion commander in Murambia over the allegations. Then, a military tribunal is supposed to form to bring the perpetrators to justice. This echoes the same response that occurred after the New Years Day mass rape in Fizi Town: MONUSCO sent a mission to Fizi to investigate and provide stability, then they provided transportation and other support to the Congolese military court in Baraka that tried and convicted Col. Kibibi and his men.

The official also told me that MONUSCO is using an ongoing proactive approach at all levels (national as well as territorial) to prevent human rights abuses by the FARDC. MONUSCO is also involved in training officials in human rights, supporting the justice system, and disseminating the law among Congolese citizens.

There is a lot of discussion as to how effective MONUSCO is at maintaining peace and stability in eastern Congo, especially since incidents such as the one in Kikoze continue to occur. However, one must remember that the tangle of conflict in eastern Congo is complicated and involves much more than just MONUSCO. To be sure, local civil society organizations, such as SOS FED and Arche d’Alliance, remain at the front lines in terms of providing assistance to vulnerable persons and monitoring the human rights situation.

I will have more information on this situation, as well as commentary, as I find out more on the local, national, and international response to the Kikoze incident.

Kikoze 3-26-11 [post modified on 5-22-11]

On March 31^st, an attack on civilians occurred in the village of Kikoze, in the Haut Plateau of Uvira Territory. The perpetrators were integrated ex-FRF units of the FARDC, stationed nearby. A number of women in Kikoze were raped, and on April 5^th, 9 survivors arrived in Uvira town to seek assistance and report the incident. PSVS lodged the women and gave them first-response psychological care, while Arche d’Alliance collected the information regarding the attack for legal and human rights action. PSVS also facilitated medical treatment for the women at the hospital in Uvira, with direct financial support from IRC. Other organizations that provided resources and assistance were AMCAV and CICR.

Kikoze is about a 3-day journey out of Uvira, and most of the journey must be made on foot across difficult terrain. In the remote areas of the Haut Plateau, monitoring the human rights situation remains difficult because of the lack of access to these areas.

On April 8^th, all the women who had come down from Kikoze started their return journey home. PSVS gave each woman a pagne and a cooking pot to take back home with her.

On the same day that the women of Kikoze were sent home, OCHA held its weekly security briefing, and the incident in Kikoze was discussed at length. One of the concerns brought up at the OCHA meeting was that there still aren’t many transportation resources available for the Haut Plateau and other remote regions of the Eastern Congo. Remember, it takes days to reach a place like Kikoze by foot, and it is hardly the most remote village in the Haut Plateau. If a survivor requires immediate and drastic medical treatment, she may not be able to make it a major hospital in time. In addition, human rights monitors in the Haut Plateau are also sparse, and villages in the hills lack the maisons d’ecoutes that are mostly scattered in towns along heavily populated thoroughfares.

Another alarming concern was brought to light; these women will return to Kikoze with their pagne and cooking pot, but there still remains little protection for them back in their village, or even en route to their homes, traveling on lonely mountain footpaths. Some of those at the OCHA meeting expressed concern that the women were being sent home unaccompanied. Indeed, even if they return home safely, they may risk being re-violated or even killed, since they dared seek help outside of their community and shared the details of the incident with human rights monitors. The same FARDC unit is presumably still near Kikoze, with the violators in its ranks. Were these women being sent to their doom after being already violated, with only a pagne and a cooking pot to show for it?

Again, an unfortunate symptom of the problem of sexual violence in the Kivus and the response from the NGO community: women are often left vulnerable after seeking assistance from humanitarian organizations. Granted, protection from the FARDC is a responsibility that lies with the Congolese government, and they deserve criticism for failing to curb the depraved and violent behavior of their own soldiers.

Whether it is from the lack of resources to surmount the many obstacles, or from the lack of will to follow through, local and international organizations are failing to provide sufficient care and protection for many survivors. Sometimes, the lack of creative thinking or recognition of these problems seem to defy common sense, and gives the appearance of apathy. Much of what I heard at the OCHA meeting was a bit stultifying, although I don’t doubt there are many individuals and groups who are hard at work to assist survivors of sexual violence. However, SOS FED, which is a tiny organization compared to a lot of the big-hitter NGOs in Uvira, appears to provide its beneficiaries with much better care than what was given to the survivors from Kikoze.

Women leaving our centers are accompanied back home by reintegration officers, who meet with community leaders to make sure that the reintegrating woman’s rights will be respected upon her return. Currently, SOS FED’s two reintegration officers in Kazimia and Kikonde are accompanying women returning to the Ubwari Peninsula, the site of ongoing combat between the FARDC, FDLR, and Mai Mai.

In addition, women leaving our centers receive a small cash stipend to help them in starting over again in their community. This is in addition to whatever income they gained at the SOS FED center from practicing communal cultivation.

Personally, I question how much psychological recovery survivors can gain in 3 days, especially considering the devastating psychosocial consequences of rape in Eastern Congo. This is why we never send women home after 3 days with a pagne and a cooking pot. However, SOS FED is still a small organization with limited resources confronting an enormous problem. I believe the difference is that SOS FED’s model is highly replicable and yet still very effective. SOS Fed’s model has an emphasis on wholly treating the outcomes of rape, including the social, psychological, and economic effects. For what we cannot do ourselves, we seek partnerships with organizations like Arche d’Alliance to provide more complete assistance to our beneficiaries.

PSVS still does a pretty good job, and this is not meant to be a critique of PSVS or their financiers at IRC. Nonetheless, perhaps the humanitarian community as a whole needs to look at the models by which they assist the women of South Kivu, and ask themselves if they are really as effective and efficient as they can be. So far, no one is scrambling to replicate the SOS FED model, and SOS FED is still spending a lot less than what a lot of local NGOs here receive from international financiers.

The nine survivors from Kikoze demonstrated courage by making a dangerous journey to Uvira to seek assistance, denounce the perpetrators, and then return to their village. Next week, MONUSCO is supposed to be sending a mission to Kikoze to investigate the incident. The survivors who made their way to Uvira indicated that there are probably more women who were raped by the FARDC in the Kikoze area. And we are only a little over three months into the year…

UNFPA data-mapping project: Are you in?

In my last blog entry, I wrote about a UNFPA data-mapping project that is being undertaken here in the Kivus. The goal of the data-mapping project is to provide better assistance to survivors of sexual violence; if one NGO assists a survivor, the information provided by registering her in the global database will make it easier for her to receive other forms of assistance, be they medical, psychosocial, judicial, or socioeconomic. In addition, the information gathered can clarify where attacks against women are concentrated, and are being perpetrated by whom, thus helping prevention and advocacy efforts.

How this project works: Each NGO that receives a survivor interviews her and records information on her physical, mental, and emotional state, on forms provided by UNFPA. In addition, details of the incident are recorded, including date, location, and the identity/affiliation of the perpetrator. The “first-response” NGO (the one filling out the form) records the type of assistance they gave the survivor. Some biographical information is also recorded, which can be useful in identifying the kinds of assistance a survivor may require. Each assisted survivor also receives a unique ID number that contains information on the location of the incident, as well as the first NGO to assist the survivor. All this information contributes to a global database that will give all involved a clearer picture of the crisis of rape in Eastern Congo. It should be noted that the privacy of survivors is not affected by being added to this database.

The reach of this project acknowledges that rape does more than damage the physical and mental health of a woman; there are a variety of serious effects that a survivor must endure after being violated. NGOs in South Kivu tend to be fragmented, and survivors frequently lack a complete source of assistance. In addition, MONUSCO has noted a high level of repeat reporting by local NGOs, complicating matters.

SOS FED works primarily in the domain of psychosocial assistance and socioeconomic assistance, with perhaps a heavier emphasis on the former. SOS FED shelters women, helping them regain their mental and emotional health without having to deal with judgmental communities and restrictive customs. In addition, SOS FED teaches risk-reduction techniques through group cultivation, which has the double benefit of helping women reduce their chances of being attacked and providing them with income. An NGO such as Arche d’Alliance focuses on judicial representation and the protection of human rights through building civil society. The various hospitals and clinics throughout Fizi treat women for the physical trauma of rape and its aftereffects. So, as you can see, everyone has something to do, and coordination is necessary in order to get things done.

In all, the assistance provided by SOS FED remains the most holistic, yet practical, that I have seen in South Kivu. However, there is always something missing, especially for a small, local NGO like SOS FED. SOS FED particularly lacks capacity in the areas of judicial representation and medical services.

The center staff members refer women to nearby hospitals or clinics if they require immediate attention for fistulas or infections stemming from their attack. In addition, each center has basic medical supplies for minor illnesses and injuries. However, this is not nearly enough for the kinds of physical trauma that beneficiaries may be suffering from; almost all of the women at our centers complain of continual lower abdominal pain and sometimes irregular bleeding. Nonetheless, arriving at a hospital does not always guarantee effective treatment, as the cost of good medical care can be too expensive for our beneficiaries.

Our center staff also instructs beneficiaries on their rights, but do not have the resources or training needed to represent these women in court. Granted, the Congolese judicial system has a long way to go before it can be described as effective in handing out punitive sentences to offenders. However, pressure applied to civil and military authorities can make a difference, especially if there is a well-documented, public source of information on incidents of sexual violence.

This is where the UNFPA data-mapping project becomes useful for SOS FED. Once a survivor has a dossier created by the SOS FED staff, it becomes much easier for her to receive judicial or medical support, should she require it. Being registered in the database means that a survivor can receive free medical treatment at a hospital or clinic; all SOS FED has to do is get her there. If a survivor requires extensive treatment for severe trauma, SOS FED can always coordinate with PSVS to send the survivor to Panzi Hospital in Bukavu, where (if accepted), she can receive some of the best medical care in the Kivus. Arche d’Alliance, with its large resources, institutional knowledge, and national network, can use the information provided in the database to produce human rights reports and put pressure on local officials, national authorities, and the international community to address the issue of sexual violence in the Kivus.

The local CTLVS and Arche d’Alliance remain the focal points for the UNFPA data-mapping project in Uvira and Fizi Territories. This past week, Amisi and I arranged for training for our staff on completing dossiers for each beneficiary. Arche will make sure that each center has a sufficient number of forms at its disposal, as well as visit our center frequently to pick up the dossiers. Further networking will ensure that we can increase the level of assistance for our beneficiaries through coordination with other organizations. There is a caveat: the success of the project depends on more than participation from SOS FED; many different actors, including UNFPA, have to come through if survivors of sexual violence are to see a noticeable improvement in assistance.

Overall, participation in this project should ensure a better, more complete standard of care for SOS FED beneficiaries. L’Union fait La Force.

The CTLVS and a lesson in economics

On March 23, I attended my first CTLVS (Commission Territoriale sur la Lutte contre la Violence Sexuelle) meeting at OCHA headquarters. Up until that day, the Uvira CTLVS had 25 member organizations; however, my presence at the CTLVS meeting added SOS FED to the roster, making the final total 26.

The CTLVS is meant to be an official entity that coordinates the efforts of local NGOs working on SGBV (Sexual and Gender-based Violence) in Uvira and Fizi Territories. There are four sub-clusters under CTLVS, each headed by a member organization that specializes in that area:

-Judicial (Arche d’Alliance)

-Medical and Health (l’Hôpital d’Uvira)

-Psychosocial Assistance (PSVS)

-Socioeconomic Assistance (ASJPED)

Currently, the CTLVS is collaborating with UNFPA on a data-mapping project, trying to get a clearer picture of incidents of sexual violence in South Kivu, so better response efforts can be coordinated. One member organization, Arche d’Alliance, is charged with collecting information on incidents of sexual violence recorded by each member organization. However, it was clear at the meeting that this information was not being given to Arche, even when someone was sent around to each member organization’s office to collect it. The CTLVS director, Mme Bernadette Ntumba, expressed her frustration at the lack of cooperation. The reason given by some of those present at the meeting was “on n’a pas des moyens” (“we don’t have the means”).

Two days prior to the main CTLVS meeting, I attended a scheduled meeting for the sub-cluster concerning psychosocial assistance, at the headquarters of PSVS. I was surprised at the low attendance; besides a PSVS staff member and a secretary for another local org called AJID, I was the only other person in attendance. When I inquired why so few were attending a scheduled coordination meeting, Ms. Aimée Birindwa, the PSVS focal point, told me that it was hard to motivate member organizations to send people to meetings. Why weren’t the other local organizations motivated enough? She told me what I have heard from countless organizations: “on n’a pas des moyens” (“we don’t have the means”). The story over and over again in South Kivu is one of missing financing, not enough money to keep things running. However, there is never a shortage of NGOs that work on building peace, assisting victims of sexual violence, educating communities on SBGV, and building economic activity. Quite a few of the directors of these NGOs have bulging waistlines, travel on enormous per diems, and are building three-story houses in Uvira. Who am I to believe?

Perhaps this warrants a closer look at the economics at work in South Kivu.

Since Mobutu’s “Zairieanisation” in the 1970s, the economy of Zaire/Congo has been in a state of rapid decay. The war starting in the 1990s shattered what remained of economic activity and security in places like South Kivu. Most people in South Kivu have been poor and oppressed since colonial times, but the war and continuing insecurity means that there is little hope at the end of the tunnel. It is a little astounding to hear older people talk about how things were “better” during the Mobutu Era.

Even today, peasants flee their fields at the sound of gunfire. Internal displacement and the disruption of agricultural activity have had severe effects on public health and food security. The education system is in shambles and the roads are non-existent. Mineral extraction and smuggling has enriched the pockets of fat politicians and generals from Kinshasa to Kampala to Kigali and back, while fighting over these mineral resources continues to breed insecurity in the regon.

So, what is one source of income that continues to trickle into South Kivu? Aid money, development money, financing for humanitarian assistance. Granted, the deep humanitarian crisis in Eastern Congo merits attention, and I believe we have an obligation to help alleviate suffering and fight for social justice in one of the most troubled regions of the planet. However, it appears that money coming to South Kivu from international donors seeking to help the Congolese has created an atmosphere rife with competition, corruption, and deception. There is amazing work done by dedicated individuals in South Kivu, but there are also those who only seek to line their own pockets, whether out of desperation or greed.

Thus, you have two stories: NGOs that do little more than serve as ATMs for their corrupt directors, and NGOs that have decent projects but can’t find the financing to sustain them. There are many shades of gray between these two extremes; some organizations are very functional and do decent human rights work, but still use some of their financing and resources in ways that are improper and somewhat unethical. Some of the local NGO elite, especially up in Bukavu, are internationally recognized for their previous work and are therefore well-financed, but when the mzungus aren’t looking, they engage in some fairly dirty tactics to make sure that other local NGOs do not cut in on their action. Some organizations have good projects and some financing, but refuse to cooperate with other organizations doing similar work.

So, NGO work has become a business in South Kivu, at least for some. The sad reality is that such corruption and disregard for ethics from some NGOs are what discourage a lot of international organizations from taking a chance on good NGOs in South Kivu. Conversely, some local NGOs want the financing from abroad, but none of the required oversight that may accompany it. Since there are many local NGOs and few sources of funding, competition and jealousy overpower most efforts at cooperation. There is a corrosive mutual distrust, which ensures confusion and inefficiency. This is not a condemnation of either all Congolese NGOs or all foreign donors. The aid game is tricky, and all of us in the humanitarian assistance/international development community are still trying to figure out a better way of doing things. The history and simple economics of a place like South Kivu have created such a situation, and it is our job to be better informed and keep up the work, not to give up.

This is not new news to me; Ned Meerdink had to deal with the machinations of the bad NGOs for years, including when I was here in 2009. In Haiti, I had plenty of exposure to the corruptions of even the most well respected NGOs and religious organizations. With my background and experience, I think I can objectively state that SOS FED is not one of the “bad NGOs”. However, it is always tough to remain on the straight-and-narrow in a place where the good guys often finish last.

This is not a diatribe against anyone in particular; in this forum, at least, I will refrain from naming names. This is also not meant to be a grand commentary on the state of international development and humanitarian assistance. For that, you can go talk to high-minded economists like Bill Easterly, Jeffrey Sachs, Paul Collier, and Dambisa Moyo. In the meantime, here at SOS FED we will start faithfully submitting our monthly data to the CTLVS.

“A New Phase of Brutality”

There is evidence of a growing humanitarian crisis in Fizi Territory. I have been attending regular OCHA security briefings to keep updated on the situation in Uvira and Fizi. Now, I will share some of what I have been hearing. We start in the Ubwari Peninsula, down in Fizi Territory.

The Ubwari Peninsula juts into Lake Tanganyika, south of Baraka and just north of Kazimia. In the month of March, battles continued between Amani Leo troops and Mai Mai Yakutumba on the Ubwari. Thus, accessibility to the villages in the Ubwari has been limited for humanitarian agents, and there is very little information on refugee movements and civilian casualties coming from the area. Fighting near Kazimia has resulted in at least 1 reported civilian casualty. Last year SOS FED closed the reception center in Kazimia, which was the right decision, given the current proximity of combat.

There are concerns about the lack of protection in the area around Kilembwe, in the Haut Plateau, where the FLDR is targeting the civilian population. Many of the mass rapes committed by the FDLR this year happened in the vicinity of Kilembwe and Kilimba. Supposedly there are plans for a larger Amani Leo operation to head into the Kilembwe area to drive out the FDLR. Right now, MONUSCO patrols only reach Kilicha. On March 14, more than 40 civilians were robbed by the FDLR on their way to the market in Kilicha.
The Mai Mai is waylaying and robbing travelers on the road from Uvira to Baraka, near the villages of Elila and Kabondozi. On March 16, a vehicle belonging to the NGO TEARFUND was ambushed and robbed near Mukindje, about 15 km from Baraka. In these incidents, there were no reported injuries.

In March, more FNL activity has been reported, throwing in another wrench in the machine. The FNL (Forces Nationales pour la Libération) is a Burundian rebel movement that is opposed to the current government in Burundi. In Uvira Territory, combat between the FNL and the FARDC on March 12 disrupted agricultural activity near Kiliba; when farmers hear that there is fighting close by, they become reluctant to go to their fields. In Fizi, as of March 15 it was reported that over 200 FNL troops were camped out in the forest of Lulambo, near the village of Kabembwe.

Now, we return to Uvira Territory, for a demonstration of just how difficult it is to negotiate the security situation in South Kivu. Due to increased incidents of armed bandits waylaying travelers in the Runingu area, the Pakistani Battalion of MONUSCO (PAKBATT) stationed in Uvira Territory attempted to create a Temporary Operations Base (TOB) in Kashatu. However, they soon abandoned their plans, due to a lack of support from the local authorities. Apparently, the local authorities wanted more and more money from MONUSCO for “permission” to put a TOB there, even though this would have increased security for the civilian population. Again, another demonstration of just how difficult it is, even for the UN, to stabilize the security situation in a region rife with corruption.

In February, Médecins Sans Frontières released a briefing on the “dramatic increase in mass rape and violence” in Fizi Territory. There are worries that the conflict in Fizi is entering into a “new phase of brutality”. In recent years, MSF saw a decline in reported incidents of sexual violence in Fizi; however, this trend is starting to reverse itself. The situation of women in Fizi, which has never been good, is getting worse.

On March 13, I wrote an entry about the cases of mass rape that have been rising since the beginning of the year. Please refer to that entry for a more complete picture of this “new phase of brutality”. Stay tuned for more.

Security briefing

On February 28^th, a vehicle belonging to CCAP, a local NGO based in Uvira, was stopped by bandits up near Magunda, in Uvira Territory. CCAP coordinates the efforts of 28 local NGOs working on food security, civil society, health and sanitation, and sexual violence. The bandits took money, cell phones, and the clothes of the passengers. Fortunately, no one was hurt.

The zone where the CCAP vehicle was taken is by no means safe as churches, but it was still a bit disquieting to learn of such an incident so close to Uvira in an area considered not near as dangerous as it was back in 2009.

According to UN sources, Amani Leo troops are pulling out of some of the smaller villages in Fizi Territory and moving into the bigger towns for re-organization and training. On March 5, we got a call from the ANR in Kikonde to tell us that the Mai Mai had just moved into Kikonde, which means that our visit there for March was cancelled. The Mai Mai are not implicated in near as many rapes as the Amani Leo troops, who are truly a scourge to the civilian population of Fizi Territory, but their unpredictable behavior makes it difficult to travel and work in areas they control.

On February 26^th, the FDLR raped around 50 women (and a few men) on the road to the market in Milimba. This is the 6^th case of mass rape in the Haut Plateau in 2011. The number of reported rape cases in the Haut Plateau is around 150 just since January 19^th. Chew on that statistic a little bit and tell me there shouldn’t be more done. Médecins Sans Frontières responds to many of these mass rape incidents, but the simple truth is that there isn’t enough being done to stop the violence, particularly against women.

Just how difficult is it to bring security to South Kivu? The answer is very difficult. The FDLR is very well entrenched in the remote areas, controlling mineral mines and fishing around key areas near the border with Katanga Province. They are adequately trained and equipped, and can simply melt into the jungles when attacked. In Fizi Territory, the roads, where they exist, are terrible. In the Haut Plateau, most places are only accessible via footpath or helicopter. The MONUSCO troops do not have a substantial presence in Fizi, and therefore are unwilling to send what few troops they have there out to get ambushed in the jungle. When I asked the UN people why there isn’t a greater troop presence in Fizi, they told me it is because of lack of resources. Fizi is far away from Bukavu, where MONUSCO is headquartered in South Kivu, and therefore the lines of supply and communication are stretched.

MONUSCO is the largest UN mission anywhere, but the Congo is such a vast country with so little infrastructure that it remains difficult to keep the peace, especially in areas like Fizi Territory. This problem is greatly compounded by several other facts:

• The rebel factions and militias (various groups of Mai Mai, FDLR, FRF, etc.) are numerous, complicated, and have shifting alliances.
• The FARDC is undisciplined and resented by many in Fizi because of ethnic unbalances within the ranks and the fact that many of FARDC troops are comprised of soldiers of previous Rwandan-backed rebel groups that ravaged the civilian populations of the Kivus (AFDL, RCD, CNDP).
• The illegal mineral trade has implications for governments, generals, and politicians beyond the Congo’s borders.

What does this mean for small NGOs like SOS FED? The lack of security in Fizi Territory makes work difficult, to say the least. SOS FED had to shut down their reception center in Kazimia because the FDLR and Mai Mai are camped too close to ensure the security of the staff. The Mai Mai looted the reception center in Mboko back in 2009, although no one was hurt. Visiting the SOS FED reception center in Kikonde is very difficult because of continued Mai Mai and FDLR presence in the area.

The War on Women’s Bodies

Today Amisi, Marceline, and I are getting together a list of supplies we will be sending down to the centers in Mboko and Kikonde. This list includes basic necessities such as rice, beans, cooking oil, and soap. Thanks to these staples, survivors of sexual violence can take time to recover in the physical and mental safety of the centers.
Despite the fact that women provide the economic backbone of the Congo, it is horrifying to think that many are barely able to sustain themselves and their children. This is particularly tragic in the case of rape survivors. Rape carries a strong social stigma for women in Congo, and therefore the consequences in such socially centered communities are devastating. Women who are raped are often rejected by their communities, and even by their families. Some women at the centers will tell you about their husbands kicking them out of the house after they were raped. These women are falsely labeled as “prostitutes”, and because of the social stigma, they are often unable to participate economically in their community. Some of these women end up becoming prostitutes, as being already labeled as such means that it may be the only economic option available. Thus, what does a woman do to provide for herself and her children? She may end up selling her body, even after it has been ravaged against her will.

Of course, prostitution is widely available throughout this part of East Africa, especially since men don’t really have to worry about any social consequences for their sexual behavior. Abortion? Forget it, a woman can be thrown in jail for even saying she wants an abortion. Contraceptives? Only if the man agrees to it. A saying among a lot of men around here is that “you can’t taste the lollipop without removing the wrapper”. Translation: condoms are for suckers.

In this war-torn and politically unstable region, it has been an all-out war on women’s bodies, both in the form of rape and in economic terms as well. The message seems pretty clear: a woman’s body does not belong to herself, but instead to the man with the gun or the man with the fat pocketbook. The total breakdown of law and order and the nature of the war allow for this culture to germinate, as it would happen anywhere in the world under similar circumstances. Honestly, there is nothing more infuriating about working in the Congo than having to think about these realities.

This is why the SOS FED centers are so vital to building peace and equality. Women can recover without starving or selling their bodies. They can cultivate communally, harvesting produce in tranquil fields among others who have shared their experiences. They will have an income, through which they can buy soap and cooking oil themselves, and send their children to school. These women can return to their communities through interventions from the reintegration staff; they will tell their community leaders that these women should not be shunned.

Soap, rice, beans, cooking oil. We will pack it onto a big fuso (transport truck) and send it down into Fizi. When the harvest for beans and manioc occurs, we will get a fuso to bring the produce up to Uvira so the women can sell it at a higher price. The women of the Congo endure.

Time To Vote

A presidential election is supposed to occur in 2011, and current president Joseph Kabila faces some strong competition from Congolese politicians Vital Kamerhe and Etienne Tshisekedi. However, this last week Joseph Kabila “convinced” the National Assembly to change the Constitution in a way that basically guarantees his re-election this year.

Previously, the Congolese Presidential Election was a two-part election where the two top candidates from the first voting stage faced each other in a run-off (majority decision). Now, the Constitution is changed to a one-part election where victory is based on a plurality. Thus, Kabila can basically flood the candidate field with his people and guarantee a plurality for himself. Usually, the DRC National Assembly takes months and months to deliberate the stupidest petty law. However, by paying $20,000 to each MP voting yea, Kabila was able to get the constitutional changes pushed through in the fastest legislative action in Congolese history. The changes passed by a vote of 334 yeas, 1 nay, and 2 abstentions. 163 of the MPs walked out in protest. No one knows how much he paid the much-smaller Congolese Senate to pass these changes, but rest assured it was much more.

It is perfectly clear that Kabila is carefully calculating the demise of what little democracy is left in the DRC in order to maintain control. He is also consolidating control among the provincial governors, to the point that any provincial governor who displeases him can be immediately dismissed. Thus, the government far away from Kinshasa in an area like South Kivu has even less power and will to enact development action and improve the daily lives of the citizens.

Strong opposition to Kabila’s political maneuverings from the Congolese people would surely result in a brutal backlash from the military, adding more violence to an already war-torn region. Thus, the Congo seems to be destined to another six years of destitute poverty and harmful compromise sustained by a self-serving government that refuses to aid its citizens. Roads will not be built, clean water will not be provided, and the military will continue to prey on the citizens they are sworn to protect.

Greetings from Uvira

So, here I am in Uvira, South Kivu Province, the Democratic Republic of Congo. Things are a bit different since I was here last time, but I think most of the changes are due to the fact that I have arrived in the middle of the rainy season this time around. In general, this means life is hot, muggy, and fairly dirty. Already I’ve surprised myself with my own odor and hustled off to find some water to wash. Fortunately, office decorum here in the Congo is a bit more relaxed than in the States, so even if there isn’t much water to wash with, folks don’t mind it too much.

I live in a house in the very crowded Kimanga neighborhood. My housemate is Amisi Mas, SOS FED’s able field officer. This house is hooked up for running water and electricity, however unreliable they are. From my caged-in “porch”, I can see a small slice of Lake Tanganyika; the distant, murky shore of Gatumba is barely visible on the other side of the skinny lake.

At night, you can sit and listen to the deafening buzz of insects. Under the insects’ chatter, you can just hear the soft undercurrent of Kiswahili conversation in the houses next-door, like listening to a quiet brook flowing in the dark. Not much gunfire, thank goodness.

Uvira in general seems a little more prosperous, a little more secure. More motorcycles clogging the roads, but the main road running through town is really starting to crumble into nothing. Since it is rainy season, sections of the road are dominated by puddles the size of your average backyard swimming pool. Mosquitoes are very prevalent, and I wonder how long I can go without contracting malaria.

Right now Ned, Marceline, Amisi, and I are working out what needs to be done for 2011. I am pretty happy to be back among the Congolese people, that is for sure. Stay tuned for more.

Return

Kitagi miyazi, rafiki yangu. So, I am headed back to the Congo. After three months of documenting and reporting on the work of several civil society organizations, I left Uvira in August 2009 with a bad case of dysentery. However, the violence and oppression in Eastern Congo has never been far from my mind. I have tried to keep track of the human rights situation in the region, and now I am presented with the opportunity to work with SOS Femmes en Danger, a courageous local NGO based in South Kivu province that assists survivors of sexual violence. Over the summer of 2009 Ned Meerdink and I produced a mini-documentary that showed the importance of SOS FED’s work. Now, The Advocacy Project, SOS FED, and Zivik are embarking on an ambitious risk-reduction campaign, helping women decrease the probability of attack and enslavement. Ned Meerdink has been laying down the groundwork for this project for months, and now I will be switching spots with him for about 12 months or so.

Here are some news articles and reports that give some background on the current situation in the Congo:

-UN peacekeepers ‘failed’ DR Congo rape victims

BBC News article on Atul Khare’s report to the UN Security Council on shortcomings of UN peacekeepers in preventing sexual violence committed by the FDLR, highlighted by the August 2010 mass rape in Luvungi.

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I arrived last week to Uvira, South Kivu, in order to participate in a marathon of surprisingly exhausting meetings with SOS FED field workers concerning the current rape prevention program they have partnered with AP on. The journey to Congo from Bujumbura was much the usual-annoying slow and marred with checkpoints. However, a shocking event occurring on the road into Uvira the previous week had forced me to prepare a bit for the chaos that often ensues when working in and around South Kivu, Congo. This blog, consequently, is much more about this event than the content of the meetings we held in Uvira.

Last week, a gas truck coming into town overturned on the ever-perilous excuse for a road into Uvira. The truck flipped near Sange village, which is just outside Uvira, and was reportedly trying to make good time to Uvira to avoid driving at night when the road fills with armed groups and road blocks. As many Congolese in the area of the truck converged to collect the valuable gas spilling from the ruptured tanker, the spill ignited and burned possibly 300 people to death. Many of those burned to death were not interested in the pillage of the spilling gas, but were simply watching World Cup matches on generator-powered television sets in the thatch hut bars which offer the ‘nightlife’ in any Congolese village. An exploding tanker, however, does not discriminate and a large portion of the densely populated village was reduced to ashes.

The estimates of the death toll are imprecise, but the fall-out since the original accident has been drastic as Uvira has no medical facilities equipped to deal with burn victims, and no space to keep them out of the dust and dirt. A nurse from SOS FED working in Sange temporarily commented that the death toll could easily double due to the likeliness of burn victims not killed by their wounds developing untreatable infections. He also mentioned the difficulty in counting the dead, as ‘…young kids and those closest to the truck when it exploded were just ash by the time the fire died down a bit.’ Some burn victims were sent to the already over-burdened hospitals in Bukavu, the provincial capital, but the majority of burned civilians have to make do with local services and occasional visits by Médecins Sans Frontières mobile clinics and other NGOs helping out where they can. You’ll find a recent report of the incident here.

In a place where a liter of gas’s value is a lot more than most people’s daily income, one can understand the lure of spilling gas quickly absorbing into the sand. I immediately thought of the situation a lot of people in Sange might have been in at the time and the difficult decision to be made. The opportunity to grab an empty US AID oil can and join in on a classic ‘victimless crime’-especially in order to assure another week’s meals-might be too hard to resist. In this instance, small-time theft had tragic repercussions for an area of the world which has already seen its share of tragedy.

Ned Meerdink

Uvira News Flash

[Rather than write three separate entries concerning three recent items of note in Uvira, I decided to combine them for the sake of ease in posting considering an increasingly rare internet connection as of late.]

First, thanks to Vesta Cooperative House in East Lansing, Michigan for ‘partying with a purpose’ on behalf of an AP partner in eastern Congo. Vesta Co-op opened their doors to MSU students and community members last Friday from 9 pm to the wee hours of the morning in order to benefit AP partner Tunza Mazingira (‘Protect the Environment’ in Swahili) and the alternative cooking fuel program which was started this last year by Tunza field worker Clément Kitambala. As Tunza believes that environmental protection equates with civilian protection in the eastern Congolese context, alternative cooking fuel has become a major focus of Tunza’s work. Congolese women regularly risk their personal safety to go into the forests to collect firewood (making them increasingly vulnerable to violence and rape at the hands of the ever-present active armed groups), or sacrifice their stressed family budgets to purchase expensive traditional ‘makala’ in town to cook, which rises weekly in price in response to growing insecurity in the zones where it is produced and increasing scarcity of eucalyptus, which is used to produce makala and is being rampantly deforested.

Vesta Co-op raised over $800 for further development of Clément’s program with alternative cooking briquettes, which are composed of organic waste and offer a multitude of environmental, economic, and security-related benefits for Congolese civilians, which you can read about in greater detail here. The money will go directly to Tunza Mazingira, and will allow us to 1) build three new briquette presses, 2) offer small loans to women cooking and selling road-side food using alternative cooking fuel, 3) give work to 12 demobilized girls coming out of armed groups (which decreases the likeliness of their rejoining militias due to lack of income), who are making and selling alternative briquettes and will do so on a larger scale in the coming weeks with the new presses, and 4) spread awareness throughout Uvira on the benefits of using the briquettes in place of wood or makala-based cooking fires. Vesta Co-op’s generosity (and that of all the party goers) has jump-started Clément’s work in Uvira, and everyone from Tunza’s staff sends their sincere thanks to the co-opers and everyone responsible for organizing the party, making food, buying/drinking booze, and collecting money. All this sort of makes me wish I was still in college…To check out what an East Lansing paper wrote about the benefit, look here.

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Secondly, and completely unrelated, is the status of the Kimya II operation to ‘throw out or kill’ thousands of FDLR rebels in South Kivu. I could merely quote the pro-government propaganda aired each night on national radio which says that all is going well and that the FDLR are on their way to extinction, but instead I’d like to offer you a linguistic clue as to what the status of the operation is.

Currently, if you have severe diarrhea in Uvira, you will say (if you are up on local slang), ‘Nasikia Kimya II kabisa.’ [literally, ‘I have serious Kimya II’]. This uncomfortable, dangerous, and frequent killer of civilians used to be called ‘kuhara’ (the literal translation of ‘diarrhea’ into Swahili), but is now simply called ‘Kimya II’. This pretty much sums the operation up. N.B. According to the 2008 IRC mortality report for Congo, diarrhea is one of the primary contributors to the 30,000 or so civilians dying each month due to ‘war related’ causes in eastern Congo, which include lack of housing and clean water due to populations fleeing combat, ruined clinics and lack of medical care, and a variety of other problems intensified and unaddressed in light of the insecurity here. Thus, the sense of this recent addition to the ‘Uvira dictionary’ seems pretty clear. The people have spoken and offered a pretty candid approximation on Kimya II’s recent results. Having had no running water in three weeks, everyone in Uvira is starting to feel a bit of ‘Kimya II’ one way or another.

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Thirdly, AP partner SOS Femmes en Danger and I were finally able to arrange the much awaited arrival of the uniforms and school supplies so kindly donated by Diane Von Furstenburg in the villages of Kazimia, Kikonde, and Mboko. The uniforms and supplies benefited children of single mothers, widows, and victims of sexual violence. A small gap in fighting opened up the roads for movement South from Uvira, and now lots of kids are back in class, albeit a bit late. A bad omen for the immediate future emerged when combat resumed as the trip was coming to an end, with Mai-Mai vs. FARDC battles in Kikonde and Mboko (even in heavily populated Baraka town), and FDLR occupation and partial burning of a village 4 km from Kazimia.

Nevertheless, thanks very much to Diana Von Furstenburg for making it possible for so many kids in Fizi to continue their studies. The regulations at schools in Congo are fairly draconian concerning the requirement of new uniforms for incoming students, so ‘le rentre’ would have been impossible for a lot of kids without the DVF support. Now, if only security can improve a bit to create an atmosphere where studying can happen without fear and without firefights drowning out recitations and lessons.

Ned Meerdink

School is around the corner, but where are the uniforms?

One of the more frustrating aspects of working in the regions of Congo currently under the yoke of Kimya II operations is the stopping of programs already in place due to declining security and risky travel situations. Admittedly, this is a paltry inconvenience when compared with the problems facing civilians all too often directly in the line of fire; their worries are much more significant than those NGOs face. Entire rural villages are being burned up by rebels it daily recently in South Kivu. However, when speaking of the declining quality of life and availability of services that face Congolese during active combat and operations, the blocking of NGO work definitely comes into play. Examples…

One of the AP partners in eastern Congo with whom I have been working, SOS Femmes en Danger, recently appealed to the foundation run by Diane Von Furstenburg for financing to get uniforms and supplies to children of rape victims and single mothers (many mothers themselves are still young enough to be students) in Fizi Territorry villages currently more or less run by FDLR and Mai-Mai militias. Ms. Von Furstenburg was more than generous with us, and the huge hurdle that gaining even minimal amounts of financing usually is for organizations in eastern Congo was made remarkably simple. With the money in place, we got to work putting together hundreds of uniforms and supply sets for kids who pretty much wouldn’t be able to even find their obligatory uniforms due to the cutting of supply routes in their area. This all seems to be adding up to what could be called a ‘successful intervention’ by many, n’est-pas?

Here’s the gritty part: The Kimya II operations in our area have more or less closed the roads due South. Roads that are still passable are manned by a variety of militia soldiers, obviously generally unconcerned with letting free school uniforms get through to more isolated communities. On the contrary, OCHA offices have informed me that not only will the Mai-Mai in question likely interrogate and extort us along the road, but they will likely take whatever is being carried towards Fizi and simply refuse the parcels back after ‘inspection.’ I’ve got no problem riding on a motorbike with heavy boxes for 14 hours, but not just to get robbed along the way. So, we look into taking a boat on Lake Tanganyika around the heavy combat zones, and we’re told that will cost for the moment is about $600 due to the regional insecurity and soaring gas prices (those lines have been cut off or at least limited as well). No chance…

So, as the deadline for the beginning of the school year creeps closer, this prime example of frustrations encountered by NGOs with limited financing is rearing its ugly head. Waiting and wringing our hands is an option, but can only go so far. Hopefully, we’ll be able to convince the UN helicopters moving everywhere these days to organize a good old fashioned air drop, but that seems more than a little far-fetched. Welcome to eastern Congo during the epoch of Kimya II.

Ned Meerdink

Expression without violence: Iledephonse Masumbuko Sangolo

Meet Ildephonse Masumbuko Sangolo. Mr. Sangolo is the field supervisor for Arche d’Alliance, an NGO based in Uvira that focuses on human rights and building civil society in Eastern Congo. It is Sangolo’s job to supervise the inqueteurs, or field monitors, in monitoring the human rights situation in remote parts of Uvira and Fizi. The UN Human Rights Commission is unable to field the staff necessary to monitor the human rights situation of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), repatriating refugees from abroad, and the general civilian population in South Kivu. Thus, they have formed a partnership with the experienced staff of Arche to go out in the field and report back on the state of human rights.

Sangolo is also is in charge of the Comite de Mediation et Conciliation (CMC) and Noyaux de la Paix (NDLP) projects.

“We promote the respect of human rights to the local authorities,” says Sangolo, “but we also educate the general population on aspects of Congolese law so that they will be able to defend themselves.”

I asked Sangolo why human rights are being violated so massively in the Congo.

“First,” he said, “We have this war that will not end. Secondly, the state is nearly nonexistent.”

Sangolo explained that since the justice system and those tasked with enforcing it are not paid enough by the Congolese government, people with guns, money, and influence are able to get away with breaking the law and violating basic human rights. As long as they can pay off the magistrates and police, they can literally get away with murder.

“There are certain judges who do not accept corruption,” says Sangolo, “but there are others to whom money is more important than all else. For these people who perpetuate corruption, they must be brought to justice.”

Arche has diligently worked in the Congolese justice system, representing those whose human rights have been violated. Sangolo cited several examples where Arche intervened on behalf of people who would otherwise be ignored: a man whose land was given away by government officials who were either corrupt or inept, a 13 year old girl who was raped, and a woman who was raped by soldiers. In all these cases, justice was served thanks to Arche’s reporting and advocacy work.

I asked Sangolo about the situation of women’s rights in the Congo. He told me that women’s rights are being massively violated due to a combination of repressive local traditions and Congolese laws that are unfavorable towards women. Girls are not sent to school, or even if they are, they are expected to pay their own school fees. Husbands will tell their wives how to vote, and if a woman expresses herself in a public forum, she may face divorce or even severe physical violence. Women are often denied the right to inheritance.

“However, this is changing due to new laws that are being written,” says Sangolo, “which will strengthen the rights of women, starting with young girls. Right now it is a problem of application of these new laws.”

Sangolo explained that since the justice system is still weak, Arche’s work in educating the population on women’s rights is very important, and thus far the feedback has been positive.

“There are now women who can express themselves freely, without fear of retaliation,” he says, “And they are forming associations themselves to defend the rights of other women. These are the reactions we want: women expressing themselves, women voting their conscience, and women gaining the right to inheritance.”

What does Sangolo want to see in the future for the Congo?

“I want to see a Congo where people can express themselves freely, and without violence,” he says, “For a long time it has been that the only way someone can express themselves is by taking up a gun. When a man can simply say something to the authorities and they will listen to him; that is what I want in a new Congo.”

Part III: Living like a refugee is not easy

During our visit to Lubarika, the inqueteurs of Arche d’Alliance interviewed several refugees. Among them were two village women; we will call them Rehema and Furaha.

Rehema’s household consists of two adult men, three adult women, and numerous children. When Rehema’s family started hearing gunshots in their village of Buhembe, they decided to move the women and children to the relative safety of Lubarika. The men in her family went to Uvira to find work. Rehema says that they survive on food the neighbors give them. Rehema has been a refugee numerous times, ever since the war started in the mid-90s.

Furaha is from the village of Kaziba. She has nine children, and this is her first time being a refugee. Fortunately, her husband has found work in a manioc field in Lubarika, so they are able to eat.

These women will return to their home villages when they hear that the security situation is safer. However, the cycle may start over again at any moment. Constant internal displacement is hard on the local economy, limits food production, and puts stress on public health resources. In addition, sexual violence is used as a weapon against the civilian population by both sides of the conflict.

Since 1994, the Congo has had to deal with pillaging invaders from Museveni’s Uganda, Kagame’s Rwanda, and Burundi; rebel groups that use the chaos to despoil the civilian population; and a weak Congolese government that has done little to protect its citizens. In the broader global community, the response to the Congolese crisis has been lost in realpolitik and manipulated by regional players. The constant internal displacement caused by armed conflict has contributed to millions of deaths in Eastern Congo since 1994; it is estimated that only a fraction of the approximately 5.4 million deaths caused by the war were from bullets or machetes, the grand majority instead were caused by disease and starvation.

One hopes that there will be a quick response to help the community of Lubarika and its population of IDPs. However, if the security situation further deteriorates, everyone in Lubarika may have to flee to the town of Luvungi. This, of course, would exacerbate the humanitarian crisis in the region. Time will tell.

Part II: Lubarika

On July 21^st, I traveled with a team from Arche d’Alliance to the village of Lubarika to observe and report on the refugee situation there. The dirt road to Lubarika splits off from the road and travels through steamy thickets and into jagged hills that resemble dragon’s teeth. We pass soldiers in sweat-stained uniforms carrying rusty AK-type assault rifles. The road is lined with fields of manioc and coffee. Most of the houses are made of locally prepared mud bricks, which make the houses look like they have spontaneously sprouted from the earth.

The first stop we made was at the local clinic, or poste de sante. Here, the medical staff, though strapped with shortages of medicine and medical equipment, combats disease and injury. The clinic has registered 1635 refugees since July 15^th, some traveling as long as six days by foot, but also some coming from villages as close as Buheba. From the front door of the clinic I can see the village of Buheba perched on a neighboring hill. A few days previous the FDLR attacked there and burned ten houses. Lubarika is indeed right on the precipitous edge of the conflict. Upon interviewing several of the men of Lubarika, they revealed that they feel somewhat safe, since there are two brigades of FARDC stationed on two sides of their village. However, in the Congo such things can change in a terrible instant.

The Congolese way is one of hospitality, so the citizens of Lubarika have opened up their homes to the refugees. Most of the refugees have come to Lubarika because they have family there, but there are some who are lodging with strangers. One man I spoke with has twelve refugees living on his property. Some of the refugees have found work in the fields, while others have had to depend on the charity of the villagers for food. Despite the hospitality and karibu of the citizens of Lubarika, the influx of refugees presents the tiny village with a grave problem. Work and food are hard to come by, and the clinic staff informs me that the rise in cases of malaria, diarrhea, and malnutrition are taxing the already-stressed resources of their tiny clinic.

Mr. Sambuko and his team of inqueteurs interview several of the refugees and ask the clinic staff what kinds of medicines and medical supplies they desperately need. Among the refugees, they want to know about the numbers of elderly, physically disabled, children without parents, and victims of sexual violence. Arche’s final report will enable other NGOs quickly assist the refugees and the communities hosting them.

In Part III, we will look at the lives of two women who have fled their home villages as a result of the recent FDLR attacks.

Part I: Temperature Rising

For a little over a week now the FDLR has been on the offensive across Uvira territory. The first incident we heard about in Uvira town was an attack on a village called Lumera, about an hour drive north.

The FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda) is a Hutu rebel group made up of remnants of the old Interhamwe that ignited the infamous 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Few of the FDLR are actually genocidaires from ’94, but now, decimated in numbers, lacking resources, and in exile, they ravage the civilian population of the Congo. Since the FARDC (the Congolese military) and the Mai Mai (the Eastern Congolese militia) are preoccupied with shooting each other and not with protecting civilians, the FDLR still control quite a bit of territory in remote areas of North and South Kivu. For more information on why the FDLR is in the Congo, please refer to my esteemed colleague Ned Meerdink’s AP blog and Gerard Prunier’s excellent book, Africa‘s World War.

Since the FDLR has started burning villages again, people in northern Uvira territory have been fleeing their homes. Those who can afford it roll up their mattresses and take a truck to the relative security of Uvira town. However, UNHCR and other NGOs are also concerned with the situation of villages closer to Lumera, where refugees are streaming in and burdening the area’s already-fragile subsistence state. Enter Arche d’Alliance; Arche’s inqueteurs collect information from these villages: refugee counts, security-related incidents, violations of human rights by combatants on both sides, and issues involving food security and public health. The information they collect is published in a report that is made available to the Congolese government and the NGO community in order to facilitate quick cooperative action to help alleviate internal population displacement.

In Part II, we will travel with an Arche team to Lubarika, a village that is on the periphery of the current conflicted area, and therefore inundated with refugees.

Shhhhhhhh…

Where in the world is the FDLR?

That seems to be the question going around Uvira recently, as the current government military operation called Kimya II (which means something like ‘quiet’ or ‘invisible’ in Swahili) is taking hold in South Kivu. Kimya II is being conducted against the usual suspects-the Rwandan FDLR rebels, who have at their leadership certain participants in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The operation is more than confusing, as it combines battalions of former enemies like the Mai Mai and CNDP (formerly led by Laurent Nkunda) with the Congolese FARDC forces in order to form a force capable of tracking the FDLR rebels and bringing an end to their long-standing presence in eastern Congo. The success of Kimya II seems unlikely for a number of reasons, primarily because the force meant to fight off the FDLR is composed of forces which have traditionally been extremely antagonistic to each other. For example, just last December, the CNDP was literally within spitting distance of taking Goma from the FARDC forces, with the Mai Mai lingering in the era and periodically attacking both the CNDP and FARDC. Massacres, pillaging, and rape were committed by all three forces involved in the Goma fighting-even by FARDC soldiers fleeing the occupation of their city. Additionally, the now reintegrated CNDP soldiers were part of the battalions which attacked and occupied Bukavu in 2004, raping and pillaging indiscriminately. No one has forgotten this. Now, the Congolese government is hoping all three will work together in harmony to throw out the FDLR, which is marked as an enemy of all armed groups involved.

The population here is obviously almost unanimously against Kimya II and the threat it poses to civilians in South Kivu. First, there is little proof that the FARDC is capable, even with its new found ‘friends,’ of threatening the FDLR rebels. The FDLR rebels are well-entrenched throughout South and North Kivu and commonly regarded as more adequately trained than the FARDC. The Kimya II force seems merely to anger the rebels, then flee their attack, leaving civilians exposed to FDLR ‘revenge.’ Going further, all the groups intended to force the FDLR out are more used to acting directly AGAINST the best interests of the civilian population. Recent investigations by Oxfam (interviews in 20 communities within South Kivu) and Human Rights Watch (interviews throughout North and South Kivu) in the East have commented on the massive abuses by both the FARDC soldiers and their Mai Mai allies, most surveys concluding that communities here have at least as much fear of ‘their own’ troops as the FDLR rebels. These interviews included many of the reintegrated forces (combining former rebels with FARDC) which form the Kimya II force. Finally, no one in the community is neglecting to mention the obvious truth that when the FDLR are being hunted down, the massacres of civilians invariably increase in frequency.

Recent killings across South Kivu have revealed a clear pattern. First, the government forces attack a particular FDLR rebel stronghold as part of Kimya II operations. The FDLR then recedes into surrounding forest areas in order to regroup and plan a counter-attack. This counter-attack occurs, the FARDC troops flee, and the FDLR is left to attack the civilians. This just happened in Busurungi village in South Kivu, with at least 100 civilians killed. A Washington Post article commented that the attacked FDLR rebels recaptured Busurungi village ‘…without resistance from the government forces, who had already moved to another area,’ and then simply arrived to massacre the civilian population. These types of attacks have created the current IDP (internally displaced person) problem in eastern Congo, with at least 900,000 fleeing their homes in North and South Kivu since January. Add to that the 300,000 which fled in December 2008, and you have over 1 million new IDPs in the last 7 months or so.

If anything, Kimya II is merely inciting more violence, causing more distrust and fear among the community, and creating a situation where the IDP population will continue to increase in number. I am certainly seeing this aspect of the ‘fall out’ in Uvira recently, as the constant stream of IDPs fleeing violence in surrounding villages ends in Uvira. Trucks have been coming in to town with astonishing frequency full of IDPs leaving their homes in Lemera, Sange, Livungi, and other villages with strong FDLR presence. Simple lines of those fleeing on foot carrying everything they own are now unfortunately a part of the landscape between Uvira and Bukavu. This is just another situation in Congo which seems to lack a clear military solution, as civilians always bear the brunt of these ‘efforts at consolidating the peace.’ The question I am curious is to ask those leaving their homes is whether they are fleeing the FDLR rebels, the Kimya II forces, or both. Frustratingly typical in Congo, civilians merely move from one hot spot to another, with no one reliable to turn to for protection and no time to come up for air.

Ned Meerdink

The CMC: Justice and Peace in rural Congo

As many refugees stream back to their home territories in Congo since the (tentative) end of major hostilities, there is a great need for legal structures that will help returning families re-integrate and repatriate. Since the judicial system is slow and overburdened, it is very difficult for repatriating refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) to find legal assistance.

Thus, in order to combat these problems facing marginalized peoples in the rural milieu, Arche d’Alliance has created Comités de Médiation et Conciliation, or CMCs, in 24 different towns across the territories of Uvira and Fizi. The CMC, a committee of ten, consists of local municipal leaders, representatives from women’s groups, a representative from the FARDC, a representative from the police, and other notable community and tribal leaders. The CMC functions as an alternative resolution center for minor disputes involving property, harvests, debts, inheritances, and domestic quarrels. An individual can bring their grievance to the CMC, which then investigates the matter from both sides and renders a non-binding, reasoned decision that it asks both parties to follow. If one or both of the parties refuses to follow the decision, the CMC will pass the case off to Arche d’Alliance to be heard in court in Uvira. An important aspect of a CMC’s decision is that it follows the letter of the law, since Arche d’Alliance trains the CMC on Congolese law and the rights guaranteed marginalized peoples (such as repatriating refugees and women) by the Congolese Constitution.

In addition, the CMC acts as an information distribution center; the CMC will help provide citizens of the community with information on public health, security, the constitution, and, if they are refugees, how they can go about reclaiming their land and reintegrate.

This past week I had the opportunity to visit the CMC in Luvungi, a small town about 40 minutes drive from Uvira, near the border with Rwanda. I was visiting with Jean Mushaho and Martin Masumbuko, two Arche inqueteurs who make weekly visits to Luvungi. The CMC in Luvungi is managed by Givernal Twaibu, a locally-based Arche d’Alliance inqueteur. Givernal and the Luvungi CMC explained to me that they have heard 80 cases since the beginning of the year. They also told me that nine times out of ten parties agree to the decision of the CMC; people in Congo are not opposed to well-reasoned conflict resolution, it is just that structures that facilitate such resolutions have long been absent.

Since the CMC is required to have several woman representatives, there is balance and justice for women.

“Respecting women’s rights is very important,” said Luvungi CMC member Nestorine Seremba, a nurse at a local dispensaire, “In Congo, the woman is the center of the family.”

One crucial service that Arche provides to returning refugees is assisting them in obtaining birth certificates for their children that were born abroad, in refugee camps in Tanzania, Burundi, and Zambia. Acquiring proper documentation is necessary if repatriating refugees want to send their children to school or make sure their children inherit their property someday. Using the CMC as a local base, Arche helps refugees gain birth certificates for their children. Arche will visit a CMC once a week, collect the necessary information, file for the documents in Uvira, and then bring them to the CMC once they are completed.

The day I was in Luvungi, a group of villagers from Katubota, a small village 10 km away, came to collect birth certificates for their children. Jean Mashaho explained to me that it would be very difficult for these villagers to get birth certificates without assistance from Arche. Normally, obtaining a birth certificate would require a trip to Uvira, filling out lots of forms, paying lots of fees, and waiting around for the notoriously slow Congolese bureaucracy.

In something as small and simple as helping refugees get documents for their children, Arche is helping re-weave civil society in Eastern Congo. This goes a long way in preventing conflict in the long run.

The CMC in Luvungi has been around since 2006, and its services attract people from villages as far as 30 km away. In creating CMCs across South Kivu, Arche d’Alliance has laid down the foundations for justice and peaceful conflict transformation in a region that is desperately trying to escape chaos. Even though Eastern Congo can sometimes feel like the Wild Wild West, the CMC is like the Lone Ranger, an example of justice and peace that everyone can follow and admire.

Men with guns

Ok, I am going to switch into Dwight Schrute mode here for a second…

FACT: There are lots of soldiers here in North and South Kivu.

FACT: Unless I want to pay a hefty bribe or get the giblets beaten out of me, I do not take pictures of soldiers.

However, the BBC has an excellent slideshow that shows Mai Mai soldiers and victims of the war in Eastern Congo. This slideshow can be found here.

So, now you know what I see strutting down the street every day. Also, you get a feel for how vulnerable the civilian population is to these hombres armados.

Are you paranoid or do I just look suspicious

My border crossings in Congo have become rather intricate afffairs with the complexity of the process increasing in proportion to the amount of time spent in Congo. I really had not realized exactly how bizarre this seemingly simple (and ‘official’) process had become until this last week, when three very typical border crossings led to accusations that I am: 1) participating in the arms trade, 2) traveling with a fake passport, and 3) carrying (and producing!) fake visas. It seems that the longer I stay in Congo, the more explaining I have to do in terms of justifying my existence. Unlike a worker for a large NGO or a consultant with a clearly defined arrival/departure date, I just sort of keep ‘sticking around’, which has led to lots of stories forming in officials’ heads about why exactly I prefer to spend so much time in Congo rather then spending more time in more ‘familiar parts of the world.’

As Congo has been thoroughly upset through the last few decades by the gamut of foreign threats, it is not so surprising that border guards and soldiers could be extremely cautious. But, these guys in Congo take it to a while new level. One of the complicating factors, in my opinion, is my designation as a ‘student’ which leaves a lot of room for people to fill in what ever they think might be your real intentions here. If you say you are a student, guards often test out a hypothesis of you being engaged in intelligence gathering for a number of countries, typically including Rwanda and Uganda. If this theory is quickly dismissed by some well-placed manufactured stupidity (e.g. asking the guard, ‘Where is Uganda?’) then other theories quickly surface, such as mineral trading or political ‘agitating’. Education in eastern Congo is looked on as a tool for outsiders to become better plunderers, better critics of the government, or better informed as to the atrocities going on daily in Congo. In this unique circumstance, Western education doesn’t open many doors, but can keep you from going through ones you have a right to pass through.

The truly disturbing part for me, however, is how ready and willing the border guards charged with curbing foreign threats from arriving on Congolese territory are to accepting any small amount of money to let any possible trumped up violation vanish into thin air. After any accusation, an offer will eventually arise hinting that a few dollars will make all these problems disappear. Accused of moving AK-47s in checked baggage? ‘Irrigate’ the guard a bit and this baggage goes through without so much as a once-over. Has your passport’s validity been questioned? Pay a little and you could pass the border with bar coaster with your name scribbled on it in purple crayon. No one is undertaking the heavy questioning and suspicion I meet at border crossings for any reason except to get paid off and any questions of legality or protection of civilians, even in cases where guards might find someone doing something less than above board, will always be quickly swept under the rug by border guards looking for a quick payout. I consider it a point of pride to refuse these and all bribes, and rely on a healthy does of patience and competitive spirit (‘I can wait out even the most persistent corrupt guard’). Getting accused of horrendous things isn’t scary. However, understanding how easily these things occur in this atmosphere of complete impunity (despite a well-manned border patrol) is the scary part. The fight against small arms, counterfeit money, and all other undesirable inputs will always be futile if it only takes a little money and negotiation to bring them onto Congolese soil.

Ned Meerdink

Amisi Pele and CEJEDER

Meet Amisi Pele. Pele is the executive secretary for CEJEDER, a local development organization that works specifically with children. CEJEDER uses music, theater, poetry, and seminars to educate kids on their rights and their responsibilities.

“You can’t teach an old dog new tricks,” says Pele, “so we are focusing on educating children so that tomorrow’s generation can make things better in the Congo.

CEJEDER has a staff of seven part-time employees, but also works with local music and theater groups to spread their message. They have formed clubs for children in Uvira and the surrounding villages. CEJEDER plans events with the children’s clubs, wherein is theater, music, and poetry that is designed to inform and educate children on their civil rights and responsibilities.

“These children’s clubs are the seeds we are planting to grow up to be a strong new generation that will bring peace, equality, and justice to Congo,” says Pele.

Issues that are important to Pele include preventing domestic violence and forced marriage, emphasizing the importance of education, and teaching children to stand up for themselves when their rights are being violated.

“Since adults are not always willing to intercede for children,” says Pele, “we want to kids to learn now when their rights are being violated so they will be able advocates for themselves. Hopefully this will also carry on into adulthood.”

A difficult aspect of Pele’s work is the lack of interest in children’s rights in Congo.

“Adults that decide to work on issues that affect the youth do not themselves see the benefits, so there is a lack of motivation on the part of adults to educate children on their rights,” says Pele.

One important aspect of CEJEDER’s work is on equal rights for boys and girls. Pele believes in gender equality in education and justice, as guaranteed by the Congolese constitution. However, in reality there is a significant gap between boys and girls in school enrollment.

“In Congo,” says Pele, “Boys are sent to school and not expected to do housework, whereas girls are expected to work at home or in the fields with their mothers.”

Gender discrimination is not limited to education. Domestic violence and neglect is frequently directed at girls. In addition, if a teenage girl becomes pregnant, she is often stigmatized and thrown out of the house. However, if a boy gets a girl pregnant, he can abandon her with impunity. Pele sees this disparity in societal norms as breaking the law.

“If there are rights for one, there must be rights for the other. Parents need to stop gender discrimination of their children if they want to see an end to the violence and poverty that has affected us for so long,” says Pele.

Since anyone under seventeen in Eastern Congo has only known war and massacres all their life, CEJEDER’s work is very important in building civil society from the bottom up. Children have suffered a lot from the war; male children are conscripted as child soldiers, whereas girls as young as twelve may be kidnapped and raped by soldiers or bandits. Women and children make up a disproportionate percentage of the victims of massacres in Eastern Congo. Many children have been left orphans by the war, and have to fend for themselves or else live with relatives that may be already burdened with their own children. CEJEDER’s work is made all the more difficult by existing societal norms and a lack of interest in the welfare of children. We hope that Pele and CEJEDER’s work will bear the fruit of peace and equality in the next generation.

Article: UN-backed militia terrorizing civlians

As I have been writing recently about the Mai-Mai militias in North and South Kivu, I wanted to offer up this article from the Irish Times speaking about the links between MONUC, the UN peacekeeping operation in Congo, and this militia, which is famous for their arbitrary attacks, ‘side-changing,’ and their medication taken to deflect bullets and RPG rounds (called ‘mai,’ which is appropriate as it is made of a mixture of herbs, water-mai is Swahili for water, and local booze). It’s said to make you invulnerable, but I’ve definitely seen the opposite to be true following FARDC vs. Mai-Mai battles.

This article definitly speaks to the chaos which could break out if this current operation againt the FDLR (called ‘Operation Kimya’ [Swahili for ‘quiet,’ or ‘silent’]) ends up anything like the last December offensive, which was a part of Kimya as well and a disaster. FDLR massacres in remote villages have already begun again with the growing pressure on their bases, and they are not ignorant to the fact they are soon to be ‘hunted’ in eastern Congo again, causing violent backlashes against Congolese.

Take a look at this article and let me know what your thoughts are. I am confused as you might be.

Ned Meerdink

Terrified civilians say a UN-backed military force is raping, looting and killing villagers at will: Minova/Sud Kivu, Congo

by STEPHANIE MCCRUMMEN in the IRISH TIMES, 28 June 2009

A CONGOLESE military operation against Rwandan rebels who have caused years of conflict in eastern Congo is unleashing fresh horrors across this region’s rolling green hills.

The mission, backed logistically by UN peacekeepers and politically by the US, aims to disband the remaining 7,000 or so Rwandan Hutu rebels who fled into eastern Congo after the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

But since the operation began in January, villagers have recounted nightmarish stories that raise questions about whether the military action will ultimately cause more destruction than it prevents.

At least half a million people have fled a rebel campaign of village burnings and retaliatory killings, including a massacre of more than 100 people in which several civilians were decapitated. At the same time, people are also fleeing the advance of their own predatory army – a toxic mishmash of mostly unpaid, underfed, ill-trained former militiamen churned into the military after various peace deals.

According to an army spokesman, the deputy to the commander in charge of the operation is an ex-militia leader and wanted war crimes suspect known as the Terminator. Villagers say soldiers are killing people accused of collaborating with the rebels. And in scenes that recall the brutalities of Belgian colonial rule, commanders are forcing locals to carry supplies across the forest, killing those who collapse from exhaustion.

“Pastors, teachers, students, everyone must carry, and not for one day, for weeks,” said Kalinda Hangi, a former teacher who has filled a notebook with names of people killed by the rebels and the army in his area. “They make you build their tents, take water – if you don’t obey, they kill you.”

In its mission, the army is being supported by trucks, food, attack helicopters and other equipment provided by the UN peacekeepers, but the co-operation has spawned criticism.

Humanitarian workers say the operation has paralysed assistance to newly displaced persons, and a UN inter-agency committee last month described “a fundamental conflict” between the UN support of the army and the world body’s mandate to protect civilians.

“This operation is definitely doing more harm than good,” said Julien Attakla, who heads the UN human rights section in North Kivu province, where the operation has been centred. The rebels “have never been as dangerous to the population as they are now. And the Congolese army – what are the chances of them carrying out a successful operation? They are looting houses, looting farms, raping everywhere, using forced labour – that’s the real face of this operation.”

Diplomats from the UN, Europe, the US and especially from neighbouring Rwanda have pressured Congo for years to act against the Hutu rebels, who are known as the FDLR (Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda) and include leaders accused of helping organise Rwanda’s genocide.

Although they are no longer considered an immediate threat to the Rwandan government, the rebels have in the past collaborated with the Congolese army, sharing weapons and fighting against common enemies. The rebels have set up parallel administrations in many areas, preying on villagers and controlling much of the region’s lucrative mineral trade.

Their presence has prompted Rwanda to invade Congo twice, and to back two Congolese rebel movements, fuelling a complex conflict that has become the deadliest since the second World War.

By some estimates, the fighting and related turmoil have left at least five million people dead over the past decade.

US and UN officials say the operation – initially supported by thousands of Rwandan soldiers – is a crucial part of a wider political and economic deal to mend the destructive relationship between Rwanda and Congo, and to return stability to Congo’s long-suffering east. They say the operation has forced hundreds of rebels to desert and has disrupted their command and weakened their hold on the mineral trade, though analysts dispute the latter two gains.

Top UN officials say that if they were not co-operating with the army, human rights abuses would be worse.

“We’ve been mandated to support this army, and we are trying to the best of our ability to improve their performance and protect civilians,” said Hiroute Guebre Sellassie, head of the UN office in North Kivu province.

Still, there have been dozens of rebel attacks since the operation began, many advertised in advance by rebels who have left leaflets in villages promising death to anyone who helps the army.

The most brutal attack came last month in the village of Busurungi, where at least 100 people were massacred, according to several survivors.

The army had taken up position in the formerly rebel-held village, but most of the soldiers had moved on by the time the rebels arrived one night. A few militiamen tried to fight back, but ran out of ammunition.

“They called us civilians and said, ‘Our bullets are finished, try to run’,” said Angelus Bahavu, secretary to a traditional king in the area.

As he ran, he saw rebels force screaming women and children back into their huts, which they set on fire. Rebels guarded the doors to prevent anyone from escaping, he and others said. The rebels slammed babies against trees, and people fleeing were killed with arrows, machetes and guns.

In a tactic aimed at terrorising those who might co-operate with the army, rebels decapitated several people, whose heads were then placed on tree branches planted at the entrance to the village.

“They told people, ‘You are bringing these troops to hunt us, now we will hunt you’,” said Bahavu, who eventually made his way to a sprawling camp of banana-leaf huts. – ( LA Times-Washington Post )

L’indépendance, ce n’est pas assez

Tomorrow is the yearly independence celebration across Congo, commemorating the end of Belgian rule and the beginning of what would reveal itself to be a rather doomed state. Belgian influence of course did not end; everything from the national educational system (or what is left of it) to the decaying train tracks offer modern-day reminders of their presence here. There are certainly more off-putting reminders of Belgium’s role in pre-independence Congo. Often times, kids joking with you in the quartiers will be warned by their grandparents to stay away from the ‘Belgian’ or risk a beating with the chicotte, which was a whip made from hippopotamus skin employed throughout colonial days. Additionally, sometimes people will not so politely remind me in Swahili of the riots and killings of foreigners (and Congolese) here during the process towards independence, and their idea that the Mai-Mai could one day repeat history for the remaining ‘étrangers.’ Though many Belgians continue to call the colonial era ‘la belle époque,’ I’d beg to differ given those lingering resonances.

In 2007, a once well-known Belgian administrator, who had spent the almost all of his 60 years in Congo, sent an email to leading aid agencies and governments working in Congo to summarize his feeling on Congolese since ‘la belle époque.’ This email commented that, while spending the grand part of his years in Congo, before and after independence, he learned that the Congolese are, ‘…incapable, selfish, lying thieves.’ This was actually the opening sentence of the letter. He went further, commenting that Congolese have done nothing since 1960 (except drink and steal), further romanticizing the rampant pillage known as the Belgian Colony of Congo. Bringing us up to date, he concluded that, ‘…across Western Europe, the Congolese living there are of course the first in line to go on welfare and waste money given to them by social services, lying about their number of children and ages to defraud European social agencies.’

Talking about this with some friends at their office about this letter, I came to some pretty startling realizations. Speaking with them, who were for the most part educated and working for humanitarian concerns, I noticed they were more or less in agreement with the administrator. They said that he writes well and does touch on a lot of problems in Congo. True, there are lot of thieves and a good number of drunks. My immediate dismissal of the administrator’s writing as the words of an aging colonizer losing his mind was purely my own.

It was in this conversation that I began to think again about these invisible cues that Western ideas and notions are very much a part of our community in Uvira. Society has been so thoroughly down and continually upset by wars since independence that the colonial era DOES begin to hold some deceptive value in some people’s opinions. Enemies WERE more clearly marked in that era, black versus white. Now days, militias composed entirely of Congolese will slaughter villages of fellow Congolese. This is new. A good meal, or one that is sufficiently nutritious, is still called ‘Chakula ya Bulaya (European meal).’ Congolese women often use dangerous chemicals to whiten their skin and straighten their hair, with many men responding to these changes (they are called ‘muzungu’ like me and get higher bride wealth).

Our neo-colonial administrator, given these realities of modern-day Congo, has deceived many (even friends of mine here) into sympathizing with him. There is, however, key missing information. The administrator neglected to consider the position Congo was left in by colonial presence. Lack of infrastructure, a pillaged resource base, a massacred population (Jan Vansina estimated that around 50% of the Congolese population died of causes directly related to colonial presence during the early colonial period)…are these not things that could carry the currently towards poverty and violent conflict, and thus towards some of the ‘evils’ described so one-sidedly by the administrator’s tirade? I believe that my friends’ general acceptance of the letter was also shaded by a failure to reflect on the aspect of colonialism that continues to burden Congolese communities. The chaos that has passed for the last 50 years would certainly have unfolded differently had communities not been shattered, resources plundered, and militias armed and delineated by many of the institutions hoisted up high by those remembering a ‘belle époque’ in Congo.

It is thus true that independence is never enough. It’s a matter of having an enabled population demanding and to take advantage of this independence. We are certainly not lacking this in eastern Congo; tomorrow there will undoubtedly be storms of people rushing down to the military zone to let administrators and soldiers know their frustration to be handcuffed from action despite their Constitution, their freedom, and their independent state. However, the real test of this freedom is the state’s response, and it’s ability to create a state capable of deflecting and disproving wholesale criticism of Congolese like that thrown out by the aging administrator.

Ned Meerdink

What is a ‘Noyaux de Paix’: Makobola Field Visit with Arche d’Alliance

This last Wednesday, I was fortunate to visit one of Arche d’Alliance’s ongoing programs in Makobola, which is a village forming the border between Uvira Territory and Fizi Territory in South Kivu. The program is called ‘Le Noyaux de Paix’ and the goal is assembling villagers into small committees in areas lacking security, so that these committees can discuss collective actions to better their security while at the same time providing Arche d’Alliance with accurate information concerning security and human rights violations in hostile regions of South Kivu. The Makobola group, having about 30 members, is merely one ‘nut’ (noyaux=nut) working in a network which now spans 7 remote villages. Importantly, the groups work to maintain a steady gender balance, as male-dominated committees tend to leave out some of the most egregious violations occurring daily in South Kivu, such as violent rape and women’s abduction into sex slavery by rebel groups living in the villages. Because of the Makobola group’s permanent residence in Makobola, they were able to provide significant information concerning soldier movements in the area and their accompanying violations, as well and hope-inspiring details about their collective work to change the security in Makobola.

The Wednesday meeting began by the committee’s general security report, where the group was asked to report on the various human rights abuses they had witnessed or heard about from other credible sources in Makobola. Makobola remains caught in the center of hostilities between FARDC (Congolese government soldiers) and the Mai-Mai militia, which is technically a non-state armed group but enjoys large chunks of financing coming from Kinshasa. Does this sound strange to anyone else? Two Kinshasa funded armed groups (wearing, in fact, the same uniforms) turning their arms against each other and often the civilians the government in Kinshasa is technically paying them to protect does seem like a stretch, but working in Congo for two years has taught me some valuable lessons. Notably, ‘When considering the actions Congolese armed state and non-state armed forces, an appropriate suspension of disbelief is more than helpful.’ Want to get even more confused? Consider this: It is well-known that elements of the FDLR (Rwandan ex-Interhawme) are also occupying places in Mai-Mai and FARDC brigades. Since last December, the Mai-Mai and FARDC have been charged with ELIMINATING the FDLR threat in their regions, which seems unlikely given that both groups often fight and pillage alongside these FDLR rebels who began arriving in Congo after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Again, suspension of disbelief…

The Makobola group summarized these security problems and others. I was not overly surprised to hear of the difficulties with the FARDC and Mai-Mai, as most of the fighting outside my home in Kavimvira since December has been between the same armies. One major issue mentioned by the Makobola committee was that when not occupied fighting each other or an additional armed group in Makobola called the FDD (Burundian rebels), all armed groups regularly pillage the market place and agricultural fields in the area. The response the committee has taken in this respect has been two-fold. First, they have begun, as of this next growing season’s beginning in August, to relocate their fields to areas with better security and less soldiers. They still fear the arrival of the armed groups come harvest time, but are hoping thins might be under better control come August. Secondly, in order to avoid sexual violence and abductions committed by soldiers in villagers’ agricultural fields, the committee has begun sensitizing the community to both the idea of arriving to work their fields in pairs (with a male if possible) and the insistence women sleep in their fields when the work load is abnormally high, which is a constant source of women’s vulnerability to rape in South Kivu.

The Makobola Noyaux de Paix committee was pleased to share these developments with us, only asking that contacts be made to curtail negative situations. This is where Arche d’Alliance comes in. Violations reported in a specific manner are run through Arche d’Alliance’s legal assistance system, whereby gross violations of human rights and the perpetrators can be punished. I am obligated to report that the vast number of violations go unreported or uninvestigated, as Arche d’Alliance has limited resources and villagers often have shame to report crimes committed against them. This combination creates an ever-growing list of violations, but efforts are being made by NGO’s like Arche d’Alliance to chip away at this list.

As noted earlier, there are a total of 7 groups in villages with similar security problems as Makobola. As staffers and aid workers are always limited relative to the problems in eastern Congo, the groups maximize on the know how and experiences of villagers across South Kivu. As the committees formed by Arche d’Alliance continue to grow, so does the power of villagers to have a hand in their security on a very real level. If villages waited for larger NGOs to arrive to begin working through these problems with them, they’d likely be kept waiting much longer. But, if communities are empowered through systems like Le Noyaux de Paix work can be done to change the tide of violence with no more than a dedicated group of locals willing to declare their human rights and demand the end of atrocities committed against civilians in eastern Congo.

Adding to the potency of the groups is the educational aspect of each meeting. After the briefing is delivered by the particular committee, there is an educational seminar held which is open to the general public. This month’s Makobola seminar revolved around the role women will play in both the local and national elections. Both men and women were invited to speak on their feeling about women’s role in democratic societies, and in particular the importance of women voting in the coming elections. As women are overwhelmingly targeted and oppressed in Congolese society, and traditionally have been one of the most victimized populations during hostilities, Arche d’Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo tried to stress the point that women need participate in great numbers to have their voices heard. Also discussed were parts of Congolese society that keep women from voting or presenting their candidature for offices in the government. Mentioned were the disproportionate workload at home women cope with, the traditional practice to deny education to young girls in families needing additional labor, and the intimidation of women hoping to initiate change within society.

After a 2 hour presentation, those present had come to important conclusions on how they could work to allow women the opportunity of more accurate representation in governmental and local politics. There were more than a few exasperated whines from men once the suggestion was made that they begin to prepare meals alongside their wives to free them up to participate in civic life, but the overwhelming majority was in full support. One of the realities in Congo benefiting the spread of information after such a conference is the fact that Congolese are a deeply social people, and tend to share their ideas and experiences with others. Thus, those not even at the meeting and seminar last Wednesday have probably already heard about the meeting’s contents. With this, a group of 30 or 40 offered some new perspectives quickly becomes an entire village. That is a reason to look toward the future in Makobola with a sense of hope, as the people I spoke with clearly had the determination and open-minded approach to allow for improvements in security, civic participation, and women’s empowerment—and share what they’ve heard with their neighbors.

Ned Meerdink

Arche d’Alliance in Makobola: civic education and conflict transformation

Makobola is a village forming the border between the territories of Uvira and Fizi. It has often been a hotspot for the war in the Great Lakes Region over the last fifteen years. On March 15, 1998, the RCD (a group of Banyamulenge rebels) slaughtered over 800 civilians in Makobola as an act of repression and terror. Today, FARDC soldiers occupy Makobola, but Burundian rebels and Mai-Mai regularly make forays into town to take what they want from the villagers.

In the midst of such an atmosphere and history of fear and violence, Arche d’Alliance is actively working to build civic participation and conflict transformation in the community. In Makobola and in other towns in South Kivu, Arche d’Alliance has organized a noyaux de paix (lit. “nut of peace”), a locally-formed group that acts as a medium for providing civic education and peaceful conflict transformation. In an area that has been torn apart by war, these are very important tools to rebuilding civil society in Eastern Congo.

On the particular day that I visited Makobola, Arche d’Alliance had sent Masumbuko Songolo to give a community seminar on the importance of women’s participation in the electoral process, in pacification, and in development. Mr. Songolo, the supervisor for the Makobola noyaux de la paix, gave his presentation to a group of 30 people, of which half were women.

Mr. Songolo started out by giving a brief summary of the last election in 2006. He pointed out that 55% of the people that voted in the last election were women. He also pointed out that four of the candidates for president were women. Articles 11-17 of the Congolese Constitution specifically concerned women. Indeed, the African country of Liberia had elected a woman, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, as their head of state. However, in Uvira there were no women in provincial leadership, and there was but one woman in provincial leadership in Fizi. Women did not run for office in these parts, nor did they participate in other forms of community leadership.

Songolo asked why women in Makobola did not participate in local politics. The seminar attendees said that one reason why women did not participate was because they were not educated. Songolo told them they needed to make it a goal to provide education to women and girls. Another answer that the participants gave was that it was not part of the local “custom” (la coutume). Women are expected to work in the fields and fulfill household duties, not participate in community discussion, and certainly not ascend to positions of leadership in the community. In these parts, women are more often than not intimidated into silence. However, Songolo explained that enabling women to engage in community leadership and local elections would produce equilibrium and build Makobola’s capacity for development and the promotion of universal human rights. In other words, Makobola needed to get with the program. Songolo said that excluding women from the electoral process results in what the DRC suffers from now: bad governance.

If a person is competent enough to hold office, explained Songolo, it should not matter whether the candidate was a man or a woman. In addition, he encouraged everyone to carefully scrutinize a candidate’s platform, and not give their votes away to empty promises made by pandering politicians. Perhaps if more women ran for office, the high proportion of women voters could elect a woman that would be able to identify with them and better address their issues.

Because lack of work is a problem all across South Kivu, Songolo suggested that men could volunteer to do housework two days a week; this would allow their wives, daughters, sisters, and mothers time to receive a better education and become more active in elections and in community forums. This suggestion caused a collective murmur in the room; men do housework? Women in leadership? These were concepts that demanded a revision of local customs and norms. There was quite a bit of discussion, some of the male attendees shaking their heads in disagreement.

In the end, the seminar attendees agreed that women should be given a better education, and that men should give a certain amount of freedom to their wives and daughters to participate in the electoral process. We all have to start somewhere, I suppose.

Seminars such as this one constitute an important part of Arche d’Alliance’s work in South Kivu. Since the region has been a battleground for various military forces ever since 1994, the civilian population has had neither the means nor the time to build a good civil society. Living in constant fear of massacre and banditry has meant continual displacement and a breakdown in trade, healthcare, and agriculture. Now that the security situation is relatively (albeit tenuously) improved, civic training is necessary to strengthen these communities and give them the means to voice their needs and concerns to Kinshasa, the African community, and the rest of the world.

Remembering Soweto 1976

This last Tuesday, the 16^th of June, communities across sub-Saharan Africa remembered the massacres of Soweto township children by the South African Apartheid regime in 1976. On this annual day of remembrance, organizations in Uvira dedicated to the protection of Congolese children organized various events to highlight the precarious position of children in eastern Congo.

The dangers Congolese children face are probably not unfamiliar to many reading this blog. Congolese fortunate to pass into adulthood have typically navigated their way through a maze of threats against their well-being; forced recruitment into armed militias, sexual violence, untreated illnesses, hunger, and the overwhelming regional insecurity in eastern Congo all contribute to a situation demanding better protection of children and efforts to unite them. The theory among local activists dedicated to the protection and promotion of children is that events organized to educate children and introduce them to methods of protecting themselves make meaningful steps not only towards limiting conflict in eastern Congo (children continue to form large parts of non-state armed groups) but also teach children to live safer lives within the surrounding conflict. The reality that hostilities here are not on their way to disappearing forces children to have strong defenses in order to allow them the opportunity to grow up and hopefully enjoy a more peaceful future. The urgency of similar initiatives is clear. Offensives by rebel groups like the CNDP, LRA, and FDLR occurring over the last 6 months in North and South Kivu have shown that the occupation of villages is only one of numerous goals of armed groups. Rebel groups typically have as a periphery goal the mass victimization of children. Kidnapping children from their homes to fight or to act as ammunition porters, sex slaves, or domestic servants is still the norm. Educational initiatives and the encouragement of more cohesive communities, especially among vulnerable children, have offered a way to cut away at this trend.

On the 16^th this year, I was in Sange village, about 50km north of Uvira, to view activities planned by CEJEDER, a local organization advocating for children’s protection. As Sange is centrally located within Mai-Mai and FDD (Burundian rebels) territory, children there have traditionally faced forced recruitment and sexual violence at the hands of rebels. The prolonged conflict in Sange has also unfortunately left countless orphans, all whom lack the guidance and security usually provided by parent-run households. I saw the seriousness of the insecurity last November in Sange when rebel-led killings occurred early morning before demonstrations planned for the ‘Journée Mondiale pour le Refus de la Misère.’ Fortunately, activities passed well and without other incidents, and we had hundreds of children arriving to demonstrate their solidarity and their common interest improving life in Sange.

The events planned for this year’s June 16 commemoration by CEJEDER included theater performances, a football match, and a discussion/debate concerning issues affecting children in Sange. The theater piece concerned familial relations within child-led households, and some of the difficulties that arrive in daily decision-making (e.g. Who from our house will go to school this term? What are the consequences in sending your siblings to steal for your family’s food supply? What are the consequences in sending children to agricultural fields alone to cultivate?). Theater has a unique place in Congolese culture, and children react very positively to seeing their daily dramas played out before their eyes, especially when the theatre offers alternative conclusions, advice, and ways of thinking about a particular problem. Amisi Pele, from CEJEDER, told me that kids often laugh along with the theater but later begin to reevaluate their own situations when the pieces reflect parts of their lives. He went further to say that bit by bit, community interventions like those of the theater group in Sange, ‘Aurore du Sud,’ work to break down destructive practices and encourage communities to develop support structures for children, often a community’s most vulnerable population.

Not all the events this year had a ‘point’ as clearly defined as theater and group discussions. Some events (football match, beignet-eating contest, a meal with the MONUC soldiers, etc.) are not designed to have a tangible result, but just to let kids in Sange have a breath of fresh air, a reason to relax, and a break from the overwhelmingly difficult lives they live in South Kivu. The value of this is obviously open to attack by more pragmatic thinking, but, in my opinion, it was one of the best parts of this year’s June 16^th commemoration. It is heartening to see a besieged population retaining the ability to let down their defense mechanisms and enjoy themselves, even if only for a few hours. Hopefully, future local and international efforts to pacify the East and bring some security to places like Sange will allow this feeling to be more than temporary. After too many years, a little relief is more than owed to Congolese unfortunate enough to be living on one of the world’s great [military and political] battlefields.

Ned Meerdink

Leya: The Ballad of a Village Maiden

Meet Leya. Leya is sixteen years old. Leya is one of 8 children. Her father was killed by bandits in his own home; Leya, her mother, and her siblings barely escaped with their lives. Leya’s mother has remarried, since life for a single woman with children is extremely difficult. Leya works all day in her stepfather’s rice paddy, then comes home and prepares food for the family. Leya’s stepfather sends her out to the rice paddy by herself, which means that she is more likely to be kidnapped and raped by rebels or soldiers. She is three years behind in school.

Recently, a man has noticed Leya in town, and he wants her. He has entered into negotiations with Leya’s stepfather to marry Leya. The stepfather wants to marry Leya off because the suitor will have to pay him for Leya’s hand. In any case, soon the rice harvest will be over, and the stepfather will have little use for Leya.

I first met Leya when I visited her family’s home, set on a wind-swept hillside overlooking the tiny village of Kiliba. I had come for a weekend visit with her older brother Isidord, who lives in Uvira. When we arrived, Leya’s suitor was sitting and talking with the stepfather. The suitor appeared to be in his late twenties. Isidord was furious when he found out that his stepfather was trying to marry Leya off. In Congolese culture, responsibility for accepting marriage proposals passes to the oldest male sibling in the event the father has died, not the stepfather. There was one complicating factor: Leya indicated that she would prefer to marry this complete stranger than to continue the miserable work in her stepfather’s rice paddy.

Isidord explained to his family that Leya was only sixteen, hardly a good age to get married to a much-older man. In any case, Isidord said, what kind of grown man is interested in a sixteen-year-old girl? This suitor cannot be up to much good. Leya’s suitor also claimed he was a successful businessman. Isidord pointed out that “businessmen” in this area live a very “fast” life, often having a different woman in every town. It is also not uncommon for Congolese men to abandon a woman once she becomes pregnant. If Leya married this man, it would be almost guaranteed that she would become pregnant within a month. Leya’s older sister Bintu had been abandoned by her “fiancé” once she had become pregnant. Now Bintu is shamed before the entire village, and she will soon deliver a child the family can barely afford. Isidord asked Leya if she wanted to end up like her older sister. Even worse was if Leya left Kiliba to live in another town, became pregnant, and was abandoned by her “husband”; then everyone would think she was a prostitute. Indeed, many single mothers in the DRC are forced to resort to prostitution, since they are already stigmatized and lack a means of support.

Isidord wanted Leya to return to school and only start thinking about marriage when she reached the proper age. He explained to Leya that marriage wasn’t the only way out of her current situation, and enduring a few more years in the rice paddy was better than a lifetime of suffering in a marriage to a stranger. If Leya focused on getting her education, she might be able to make decisions for herself and be able to choose a better husband once she was of age.

Isidord told the suitor that he wanted him to wait for two years until Leya was 18; if he was truly interested, then he would be willing to wait for two years. Both the stepfather and the suitor protested, saying that Leya was physically already a woman, and it was about time she got married. However, Isidord stood firm in his decision. The suitor left. Isidord told his sister to resist the advances of men and wait until he got enough money to move her to Uvira so she could start school again.

Back in Uvira, Isidord was still worried. He told me that his stepfather would be leaving Kiliba for an entire year to sell his rice in another town. This would leave little support or protection for his mother and siblings. He also said that the suitor might nevertheless try to get Leya pregnant, by seduction or by force. Isidord is hoping to save enough money to move his entire family to Uvira once his stepfather leaves.

Leya’s situation is not uncommon in the DRC. Women have little protection from violence and poverty in the DRC, and thus marriage seems to be a good option that may provide some sort of support and shelter. However, society is very permissive for men, but restrictive for women. Thus women often come out on the bottom, abandoned and vulnerable in a dangerous environment. On the other hand, there are people like Isidord who want to bring equality for women in their society and culture. In the midst of constant war and upheaval, this is a difficult task. One hopes that Leya will find a future that is better than the one preordained for her and so many other Congolese girls.

New Camps, Same Old Story

A walk through Uvira’s most heavily militarized zone (not counting rebel/Mai-Mai areas) directly south of my home reveals a wealth of information concerning the present relationship between civilians across Uvira and the FARDC, the Congolese military. This weekend, I took advantage of the recent calm throughout Uvira to visit the militarized zone and came away with a few new perspectives.

Beyond being a quartier dominated by bombed-out and bullet-ridden buildings, FARDC military encampments, and Belgian colonial houses currently occupied by any number of FARDC troops, ‘the Zone,’ as it is not so affectionately called, has become a staging ground for a variety of public outcries against the FARDC’s consistent negligence in terms of civilian protection and enforcement of regional security. Manifestations and marches often aim their sites at the Zone, forcing the FARDC there to address their complaints and demands for changes within the military, in particular their demands for better treatment and protection of civilians. In 2007, after a series of violent FARDC rapes in civilian houses unlucky enough to be located in the Zone, large marches of protest were organized in front of the houses then housing FARDC generals and commanders, pleading with them to punish FARDC rapists and tighten their control over their soldiers. This, of course, wasn’t ever realized. When I visited the Zone after these marches, I ended up wandering into an abandoned building, not particularly different than any other in the area. Nothing remarkable happened at all and I went on my way as normal.

These days I walk through the Zone area pretty frequently, but this last time I was surprised to remember where the abandoned building I had seen in 2007 was located, and decided to walk in to see if anything interesting had changed since I was last there. The situation in the Zone certainly has changed during the years past, as the number of soldiers has increased significantly in an effort to draw soldiers from more secure areas into Uvira to respond to different rebel-led ‘incidents’ in the area since December. A huge camp has seemingly sprung up out of nowhere, full of Bashi (Bukavu origin) soldiers where there once was a completely deserted beach and unused factory full of spent ammunition shells. As most of the unoccupied buildings in the area have been taken up quickly by the influx of new FARDC soldiers, I was surprised to see no one inside, but quickly noticed a new addition on the walls. In charcoal, there was graffiti written all over the walls, new enough that touching it left black smudges on my hands. Considering the changing situation in the Zone, these writings summarized to me a lot of what I have heard from the Uvira community concerning the failings of the FARDC.

This first writing (above) drawing my attention read: ‘LA PITIE NE FAIT PAS LA FORCE DE L’ARMEE.’ This is a sentiment which I hear almost daily, speaking of the ruthlessness of the FARDC towards Congolese civilians in comparison to their relatively careless treatment (or ‘pitie’) of the rebels surrounding Congolese towns. Let us not forget the FARDC’s tendency to flee combat from worthy rebel adversaries, while abusing the civilians during the flight. Look to the incidents in Goma and Kalehe in December 2008 for this part of the story.

Another writing (above), written in Swahili, commented, ‘FARDC KEDA NA ULIMZI.’ Translated, this writing seemed more like a warning, telling the FARDC to ‘WATCH CLOSELY THE BAD SECURITY.’ Written in an imperative tone, this is more of a demand than a request or suggestion, and summarizes the frustration of civilians here. Many years have passed with Congolese all but begging the FARDC to pull themselves together, get their jobs done, and redirect themselves towards increasing security rather than destroying it.

Whichever way you look at images like these, one intention of anonymous graffiti in a military zone is to have it read. Obviously, the person or people writing in the abandoned building in the Zone in Uvira had something to say to the FARDC camped out around the corner. Unfortunately, given that Kabila and others in Kinshasa aren’t listening to General Assembly members pleading the case of increasing the peace the East, it is unlikely that they’ll ever listen any more attentively to the writing on the wall despite it’s logic.

In a region of the world where no governmental bodies seem to work, where the government has lost control of its military and its borders, and where the national military is largely considered as much of a predatory force as the rebels, there are a lot of messages which need to be sent which generally go unheard.

Ned Meerdink

La Corruption

One of the things required of newcomers in Uvira is meeting with the ANR, the office of local intelligence, a relic of Mobutu’s paranoia. The office for our quartier is not too far from where we live, so Ned, Isidord, Pascal (my neighbor), and I weaved our way to the crumbling brick building. The secretary of the ANR, a small, suspicious-looking gentleman with shifty eyes, perused my passport with interest. He then announced that my visa from the embassy in Bujumbura was not sufficient to travel between the 11 provinces of the DRC, and I needed to register with the Grand Chef de l’ANR, the big boss. The secretary called his boss, who arrived about forty minutes later, completely drunk. The Grand Chef stumbled in, yelling at me in Swahili, but eventually gathered his faculties enough to sit down and speak to me in French. He made me fill out another bogus “registration” form, and even had me fill out the part that read “for administration only”. After this was done he took my passport and demanded 30 American dollars to complete my “registration”. When we protested, he put my passport in his dossier and got up as if to leave. We acquiesced, and I slipped him three ten-dollar bills. The Grand Chef and his secretary chuckled with satisfaction, and we left without further ado. The form I filled out will probably be used to light charcoal.

So, such is corruption. However, one must remember that shaking down mzungu for $30 is one of the nicer things that corrupt government officials do around here. Imagine what life is like for ordinary Congolese, who are exploited and pushed around by the powers-that-be every day. There is a prominent yet ironic billboard in town depicting a FARDC soldier shielding fearful Congolese peasants from missiles and bombs falling from neighboring lands. The irony is that Congolese people have a lot to fear from the predatory actions of agents of their own government, not just from invading armies. This is what it must be like to be completely powerless, ravaged without respite by marauders both foreign and domestic.

Lupongo ya Matete

So, here I am.

On my 25 hour journey (4 airplanes, 1 four hour delay in Nairobi, and lots of chewing gum), I read an excellent book called The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: A People’s History by Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja. I would recommend this book to anyone who wants a very comprehensive political history of the DRC from colonization until the ascension of Joseph Kabila in 2001.

One reason why the history and problems of the DRC are so complicated is that they transcend national boundaries. Here in Eastern Congo, the actors include not only entities within the DRC, but also from Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, China, the USA, France, and Belgium, to name just a few. One cannot tell the story of the DRC without underscoring the role it plays on a regional and even international level. All the more reason to give a voice to the people in the DRC; they have long been powerless under the boots of the political elite, the men with guns, and their neo-colonialist collaborators.

Uvira is a town centered upon a single long avenue, made of crumbling asphalt. It is banked on three sides by green hills, houses fading up into the steep grade. To the east of Uvira is Lake Tanganyika, a roiling indigo cauldron. The main avenue is lined with shops, houses, wooden stands, makeshift offices, churches, and one mosque. Bananas, peanuts, fish, manioc, gasoline, all are available at any interval along the road. Motorcycle taxis buzz back and forth; helmets are now mandatory for driver and passenger, an odd piece of order amid the atmosphere of chaos.

There is really nothing that can compare to the experience of Africa, the blinding midday heat, women in colorful pagnes carrying loads on their heads, speakers rattling out bouncy rhythms, the hazardous act of traversing an avenue full of speeding Toyotas. I am learning important words and phrases in Swahili (how are you, rice, bananas, I am tired, you are beautiful like the glowing moon, etc.), but it is coming along slowly. Fortunately, Ned and Isidord are very patient teachers.

I live with Ned, my fellow AP fellow, and Isidord, Ned’s Congolese friend, in a small house in the Quartier Kavimvira, Uvira, Sud Kivu, DRC. The house is made of mud, has a nice cement latrine, and an outdoor kitchen with a crumbling stove originally from a refugee camp. No running water, no electricity, no problem. The house is in a compound with another house, all surrounded by a bamboo fence, or lupongo ya matete. When I take a motorcycle taxi, I am supposed to tell the driver to stop at the lupongo ya matete. We also have a really cool cat named Obama. Just last night, Obama disemboweled a very large rat inside our house, leaving blood and guts all over the floor. Hope, change, and killer of disease-carrying rats.

There has not been any fighting around my neighborhood for the last three weeks, but I am told the situation may change at any moment. I have definitely seen a lot of soldiers walking around with scintillating new Chinese-made assault rifles and heavy machine guns.

Tunza Mazingira Update

*Sorry for the delay in updating the blog if you’ve been following it, but I was out of town visiting my sister in Malawi. Rosamond et al, thanks for the hospitality and I hope all is well in Lilongwe.*

I last wrote about my friend Clément a few months ago, so I wanted to give an update on one of the projects we’ve been working on and provide some links to some of the information Clément has posted on the Tunza Mazingira blog site.

Besides the many evident difficulties troubling eastern Congo, there are some threatening Congo as a whole. Environmental degradation, from the era of Leopold II onto the present, has remained a permanent feature in Congo, and one often going unaddressed due to the seemingly more urgent needs such as curtailing the violent conflict and addressing rampant food insecurity. The low priority of environmental protection in reference to other issues throughout Congo also persists due to the complete breakdown of the law in general due to continuing hostilities (i.e. Even if there were codes limiting deforestation and regulating seeing/tree replacement quotas for timber traders and enterprises, who has the time, money, and infrastructure to enforce them in light of the day-to-day reality in Congo?).

The importance of the protection of Congo’s natural resources cannot be overstated. Everything from the civilian food supply to job opportunities in resource extraction done in a sustainable manner depends on environmental protection. This is not to leave out the more temporally distant (and well-known) catastrophes which can occur due to a disjointed vision of conservation and environmental protection such as climate change and mass exodus of soil nutrients in agricultural areas after all of the trees and nitrogen fixers have been removed. Many human rights groups have also commented on the fact the environmental degradation in Congo has further intensified the war, as less and less arable land is available, resulting in potentially hostile armed groups vying for the same plots of land.

Because of the lack of state protection of the environment, it is often the case in eastern Congo that local and international NGOs ‘pick up the slack’ to at least make small changes on local levels, if not only to send a clear message that the needs of the environment need to be addressed on a large scale.

In Uvira, one of the main issues Clément has been working on is a reduction of makala (Swahili for ‘charcoal’) dependency experienced by every family for their daily cooking. Because of the lack of electricity here, people use a type of charcoal derived from the eucalyptus tree. The basic process for making makala is: 1) strip up to half a hectare of eucalyptus trees, 2) dig a series of large holes, 3) cover the eucalyptus with smaller branches from surrounding trees (as kindling) and mud, 4) light the holes on fire, and leave them to simmer for three or four days. Interestingly, the smell of these fires is pretty much the signature smell of eastern Congo, experienced in any car ride or walk in North or South Kivu. The odor is actually pouring into my house as I write this. Not offensive at all actually, but ever present.

This of course results in big problems maintaining the forests in eastern Congo, as everyone needs to cook and makala is pretty much the only way to do it. The scarcity of eucalyptus trees due to the constant cutting is making life expensive for Congolese-In 2005, the price for a burlap sack of about 100 kg was $5, which lasts the average family about a week; larger families of over 10 people (not uncommon) go through this sack in about 4 days. For the moment, the price for the 100 kg sack has escalated to $22. Those selling makala say the price increase is due in small part to natural inflation but that the majority of the increase is due to recent lack of eucalyptus in traditional areas, and the need to go to more remote areas by diesel trucks to prepare makala.

Here’s where Clément comes in. He’s been experimenting with an alternative type of cooking material that beats makala in almost every category. It’s easier to light, burns longer, is infinitely cheaper, burns at a higher temperature, and requires only small amounts of wood to use. Forgive me if this is beginning to sound like the TV advertisements for the Ab Roller or the knives that cut through tin cans…

Lucky to have met with a UN fieldworker in Beni (Ituri Province) interested in conservation, Tunza Mazingira got $150 initial financing for the construction of a wood press capable of making 500 125g briquettes for cooking per day, all from waste materials like banana peels, sugar cane peels, manioc peels, and pretty much any organic waste or would-be compost material available in eastern Congo. The average family will use 5-10 briquettes per meal, which could make a significant difference in family budgets, as well as in the rate of deforestation. Of course, this all depends on the idea of alternative cooking materials catching on, as well as the availability of enough briquette presses to supply an increasing demand of briquettes if people like the alternative to makala.

In order to properly burn the briquettes, families need to have a modified bombula (a metal cooker that traditionally uses makala) or the type of bombula typically used to prepare meals in Burundi. Many families already use the latter type of bombula, and the modification for the bombula typically used in Congo costs about $3.

To make the briquettes, you basically need a team of three people. One person begins in the morning collecting organic waste (50kg) and accomplishes this pretty quickly as there is really no where to put garbage here besides in holes near people’s houses. People aren’t too concerned with giving you their garbage free. This trash is then processed to a pulp by all three people, and mixed with an appropriate amount of water to make a product a bit stiffer than bread dough. The original tests were done with a small proportion of wood shavings from local furniture builders. This makes a nice briquette that lights quickly, but the wood can easily be substituted out in the event that the shavings are not available. For example, sugar cane stalks (people chew them but spit out the tough material that is leftover after all the water is sucked out) work equally well. Then, this mixture is put in the press and pressed into briquettes, which are left in the sun to dry for a day or two. The photos I hope I can upload will give you an image of this process, but it results in at least 500 briquettes by the mid-afternoon (plus drying time), which supplies free and sustainable cooking fuel for a family for maybe two weeks.

Clément told me that he has numerous ideas for where this current project could go given the proper input. First, he’d like to secure additional funding to build 5 more presses, which could be distributed to 5 different quartiers in Uvira. He has identified groups of demobilized female militia soldiers in each quartier, and hopes that this might be an work opportunity for them, depending on how the project developed. Thus, the briquette presses act as an environmental and social service, creating jobs for women (often times girls) considering rejoining the militias due to lack of an occupation and at the same time minimizing makala dependency and the environmental degradation which accompanies this. In addition, Clément is looking to scratch together a few hundred dollars to encourage families in the quartiers to modify their bombulas to use the alternative briquettes. He assumes that if he can encourage the modification of bombulas, (using small amounts of financing to pay for the modification, rather than waiting for families to get $3 to perform the modification) that the idea may catch on and make it possible citizens to prepare their meals less expensively as well make small contributions to conserving trees.

In my opinion, the briquette project Tunza Mazingira is working on is a prime example of the cleavage between social and environmental issues, given that the deforestation in eastern Congo has shown itself to dangerous for both the environment and people’s budgets. So, I am really encouraged by Clément’s idea and vision, and I anticipate seeieng how everything develops. If you are interested in reading more about Tunza Mazingira and the briquette project in progress, take a look at their blog, www.tunzamazingirardc.blogspot.com. If you are interested but not a French-speaker, definitely feel free to contact me at meerdinkned@gmail.com and I will get Clément your message.

Ned Meerdink

PS: We can’t take complete credit for the idea, as we found it on the internet. You can look at the plans and theory we followed at the Legacy Foundation website, www.legacyfound.org.

Walter goes to Congo

Since I was a kid I have been fascinated with the Democratic Republic of Congo. I grew up knowing it as Zaire, the country with deep jungles, turbid rivers, gorillas, mokele-mbembe, and a certain dictator with a distinctive leopard-print toque. When I began my quest as an agent for change in college, the DRC was on the top of my list as a destination. Sometimes dreams come true, and in a matter of days I will start my Peace Fellowship in Uvira in Eastern Congo.

On the eve of my departure, some general thoughts and impressions:

One very important principle to my work in international development is gender equality. I believe that empowering women is crucial to community development, both economically and civically. Violence has greatly affected the women of the DRC, and I hope my work with Arche d’Alliance will help the voices of Congolese women reach international ears. Eve Ensler recently wrote about ending the cycle of violence against women in the Congo:

“War on women in Congo”

Studying about the exploitation of minerals in the DRC has led me to question my consumption habits. Much of the military conflict in the Eastern Congo stems from struggles over mineral resources such as gold, tin, and coltan, which is used to make cell phones. We here in the developed world wear gold jewelry, eat out of tin-lined cans, and babble into our cell phones. How many dead or violated bodies did it take to bring these things to us from the heart of Africa? Most of us do not care to know. On television, we see people in Central Africa killing each other and patronizingly assume that it is all due to some backwards tribal animosity; however, we often fail to question Western demand for resources in Central Africa that may support instability and violence.

I will be traveling to the DRC with a set of expectations that I expect to be heavily modified by the time I leave. As I have experienced while working in other parts of the world, the whole story often isn’t available if you confine yourself to your home. The best way to be informed about a country and its situation is to visit, see with your own eyes, and talk to the people. I will be very pleased to share these experiences with you and hopefully people back in the developed world will learn along with me as I attempt to give a clear and accurate picture of what is going on in Eastern Congo. I am looking forward to working with the people of Congo, Ned Meerdink, Advocacy Project, and Arche d’Alliance.

wyj

P.S. Here is a little taste of Congolese culture with a nautical theme:

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UF1C_mZQl-g&feature=channel

The Roi du Zaïre Comes to the East

03/05/09

Association des Femmes des Medias du Sud Kivu: Supporting Women Journalists in Congo

Posted By: Ned

For the last three days, I have been working in outside of Bukavu (north of Uvira) with a local organization called the Association des Femmes des Medias du Sud Kivu (AFEM-SK), which works to develop the next generation of female journalists in Congo, offering young women practical field experience and access to the media which unfortunately isn’t readily available to women in Congo. Listening to the radio and reading through the small amount of print media available here, it is clear that Congolese media is a field largely populated by men, which leads to an often one-sided representation of current news and issues in Congo.

Because of the problems that have overwhelmed women in Congo concerning sexual violence and general second-class status, the approach of AFEM-SK is a necessary one in order to tell the entire story of what is happening in Congo. While making a field visit in Kaniola, the site of a recent massacre in which the soldiers (FDLR rebels) raped the village’s women after killing many of their husbands and their children, I saw one huge strength in AFEM-SK’s approach that I was not expecting: Speaking to a female journalist, in many instances, seems to make it easier for raped women (who often carry the well-known social stigma and shame after the incident) to tell their stories in a clear manner, to a journalist who might sympathize with their pain in ways in which a male journalist could not. As the women working for AFEM-SK are themselves all Congolese, born and raised, they are victim to the same threatening atmosphere and state-wide subjugation of women, and have the same type of fear concerning the rampant sexual violence in eastern Congo. Speaking to the rape victims profiled in Kaniola, I could see the victims relating their experiences in a brutally honest and candid manner, all in an atmosphere free from judgement or stigma. One woman, Bora, talked of being dragged into the forest and raped first by four FDLR soldiers, who then proceeded to rape her using broken-off branches of trees. While this was happening, other soldiers took her husband into the woods nearby and sodomized him. The physical pain has not subsided since, and she mentioned that the emotional pain endured is slowly eased by speaking of her experiences, in particular with other women.

The head of AEFM-SK, Chouchou Namegabe Dubisson, has also been awarded for her work in Congo by Vital Voices, and will be present in Washington D.C. with my friend Marceline. Chouchou has been active in journalism for many years, and is well known for her educational theatre pieces aired on Radio Mandeleo, which spoke of everything from how to protect women from HIV/AIDS to how to increase the amount of equality between women and men in the household. Since beginning AFEM in 2003, she has also worked with her staff to report on sexual violence in South Kivu, attempting to offer the perspective of raped women to audiences across Congo, in order to begin changing the mentality of those who accept rape in Congo as a given, and an unsolvable problem. With her experience, Chouchou also trains other women journalists, hoping to increase the amount of women present in Congolese media, especially in leadership roles. With a staff full of well-trained women journalists, fluent in the local languages as well as French, it seems that AFEM-SK is bound to succeed in promoting women in Congolese media. In addition, many of the staff members are graduates of Centre Lokole’s (Search For Common Ground) “Sisi Watoto” program for young journalists, and thus have gained lots of expertise at a young age even before working with Chouchou. Thus, AFEM-SK provides a valuable space for women graduated from the program, who are often, despite years of experience, blocked from gaining key positions in the media.

Parts of the video footage and victim profiles we took at the site of the Kaniola massacre will be shown at this year’s Vital Voices awards in Washington D.C. if you are interested in seeing the footage.

If there seems to be an overwhelming theme from these last few blog entries that sexual violence against Congolese women continues without any real promise of accountability or justice, I’d agree. However, local NGOs like SOS Femmes en Dangers and AFEM-SK work to change this, and from the last two weeks of work with both organizations, it is clear that the system, with proper pressure applied, can be changed. There are talented women in every town and village with the goal of protecting vulnerable populations. The media has continually proved itself to be an essential tool for forcing societal change, and hopefully increased recognition of those working for this will aid in the process and increase the safety of Congolese women. The FDLR are still here, but they know, as does everyone else, that there are many reporting on their violence and working to empower women to resist and force their society to change. While there is no hope for stopping sexual violence in Congo in its tracks, there is overwhelming evidence, like that which I saw in Kaniola, that there is a real opportunity to slow the tide and force the state to recognize the problem and condemn it, given the proper representation of the problem in the media by groups like AFEM-SK.

So try to get to the Vital Voices Awards in March (the 19th) if you have the chance, and hear these stories for yourselves and find out how you might be able to help Chouchou and Marceline, and in turn Congolese women in general.

Ned Meerdink